Homework For Om Gurung

Om Gurung

To the Khas, the Janajati are Janajati. They feel discriminated against. They want redress. They want equality. But to the Madhesi, the Janajati are Pahadi, they are one with the Khas. This interview with Om Gurung is quite a displeasure. This is in sharp contrast to the agreement his own organization NEFIN reached with the MPRF not long ago. Parshuram Tamang made sense, Om Gurung has not. They are both with the same organization.

Joint Movement

The Madhesi have already achieved 50% of all seats in the constituent assembly. But the MPRF has expressed solidarity with the NEFIN on their demand for completely proportional elections to the constituent assembly. NEFIN has to understand that. There has to be an agenda based alliance. Janajatis spewing anti-Madhesi venom are not going to find comrades in Madhesis.

What Om Gurung needs to do is some serious homework. I think we are all agreed on the idea of a secular, federal, democratic republic. Despite the Prachandas and Girijas of the world accusing the Madhesi Movement of being instigated by the royalists and the Hindu supremacists, there has not been a single slogan for either the monarchy or a Hindu state during the course of the Madhesi Movement. When the blacks organized their civil rights movement in America half a century ago, the accusation then was they were being instigated by the communists. The Madhesi Movement has been for a secular, federal, democratic republic. The Maoists might be for secularism and they might be for a republic, but they are not for democracy or federalism. Their behavior has been undemocratic. How else do you explain their one point agenda in the Terai: to disrupt the MPRF mass meetings? And when they talk of autonomous ethnic states, they have Tibet in mind. The Maoist party will send some party to rule over the Madhesh state.

What Om Gurung is not clear on is as to what is the proposed map that NEFIN has in mind for a federal Nepal? I have not seen any. And what is going to be the power distribution between the various levels of government in that federal state? It is this lack of clarity that has resulted in misleading behavior on the part of Om Gurung. In short, he is not clear enough on what he wants.

Om Gurung talks of proportional representation, but he is not clear on that either. So if the Janajati are one third of Nepal's population, the constituent assembly should be one third Janajati. Is that what he wants? How does he propose that be achieved? Should the existing parties ensure that? How? Does NEFIN plan to become a political party? Will completely proportional elections as opposed to the 50% proportional elections as of now ensure that? How? Should the party lists have reservations, as in every third name on the list must be Janajati?

Om Gurung's stands are too vague. And that is hurting the Janajati Movement.

But what is hurting the Madhesis is his anti-Madhesi prejudice.

"MPRF wants a separate terai state stretching from Jhapa to Kanchanpur, where over a dozen ethnic communities are living. They speak different languages, practice different cultures and traditions. We never let terai be in the hands of a few feudal lords who want to rule the weak and poor."

Maybe the MPRF wants all of Terai as one state in a federal Nepal. And if they sell that idea to the Madhesh, to the country, that can happen, theoretically speaking. Realistically speaking, I don't think that can be sold. Personally I am for two states in the Terai, a Madhesh from Rapti to Mechi, and a Tharuwan beyond Rapti. The Sadbhavana wants two states, an Eastern Terai, and a Western Terai, 50-50. Maybe NEFIN can become a political party and come with an entirely different map from the MPRF or the Sadbhavana. And perhaps the other seven parties will come up with seven other maps. But the bottomline is, each party is going to have to try and sell their map to the people. The democratic process will decide what map will be final.

The Madhesh state I have in mind - from Rapti to Mechi - will have two major groups, the Maithili, and the Bhojpuri, but it will have many other groups. Actually that Madhesh state likely will be a mini Nepal. Every ethnic group in Nepal will be represented in that Madhesh state. And that is not bad news at all. We do want that. Actually we want all states to end up diverse.

The Madhesi Movement has not been a movement of the Madhesi landlords, which there are very few of to start with. The rich Madhesis are rich not due to their land holdings. That is a huge myth. The richest Madhesis are businesspeople in the urban areas. Some of the other who are rich are perhaps in government service. A farmer with 10 bighas of land, which there are perhaps 5% or less in the villages, barely get by. Prachanda has a much much higher standard of living.

"Terai cannot be made a single unit citing Hindi as a binding language."

This anti-Hindi tirade is not welcome. It is for Madhesis in the Terai to decide on their common language. Hindi is at the core of the Madhesi identity. That is just the ground reality.

"I have a special reservation. I call it an ethnic violence. We have to dissociate from such ethnic division and those who promote violence. What is happening in terai is dangerous. It is gradually taking a shape of ethnic violence whatsoever the leaders of terai claim it."

There is a singular attempt here to participate in the widespread demonization of the Madhesi Movement. That is not someone seeking a Madhesi Janajati alliance. There is no mention of Maoist terror, there is no mention of state terror, there is mention of some acts of violence during the course of the Madhesi Movement, but there is no mention of the outpouring in every village, every town, 99.99% of which was nonviolent.

"....our interpretation of Madhes is different from that of Madhesis. We want to know where Madhes is. We indigenous communities think that Madhesis are there in this country but there is no land called Madhes in Nepal. These Madhesis have come from Madhyadesh. It is a place between India's Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. So, we call them Madhesis. The rulers of this country brought them into Nepal. Now they are demanding a separate Madhes."

Just when I was waiting for the punch line. Here Om Gurung has outdone even his Bahun masters in spewing his anti-Madhesi venom. The summary of what he is saying is that the Madhesis do not belong in Nepal. That is as concrete an expression of anti-Madhesi prejudice as can be.

"....the Madhesis want the entire terai to be a separate state. There are several ethnic communities living in terai. MPRF must acknowledge this fact and seek our cooperation. Otherwise, we are not going to back the movement, no matter what they claim and demand."

Of course there is diversity in the Terai. Of course there are Dalit rights issues and women's rights issues in the Terai. Of course there are local indigenous groups in the Terai like the Rajbanshi, the Tharu, the Satar. None of those issues go counter to the Madhesi Movement. The Madhesi Movement has been the successor to the April Revolution. Similarly the Madhesi Movement will and should give rise to Dalit rights movements and women's rights movements and indigenous people's rights movements in the Terai, as in the Pahad. Better if we come up with a constitution such that such movements will not be necessary. The power to vote will be enough.

If Om Gurung seeks an alliance with the Madhesi Movement, as he says here he does, he is going to start out by getting rid of his anti-Madhesi prejudices. And then he is going to offer some clarity for the Janajati Movement. What exactly do you want? What is your map? What is the power distribution you have in mind?

And then maybe we can talk business.

B. K. Rana And The Madhesi Janajati Question

Survey: Nepalis In New York City
Sarita Giri: Madheshi Movement In Defense Of Democracy And Madhesi Nationalism
Hamro Nepal, ANTA Press Releases On Gaur Incident
Om Gurung
Gaur: Prachanda's Reichstag Fire?
Gaur: The Madhesi Gongabu
PM, Defense, Finance: Congress, DPM, Home: UML, DPM: Maoist
Magar Event
Mainstreaming Maoist Tendencies In The Madhesh
Lawoti: Ethnic Or Administrative Federalism
Mainstreaming The Maoists: Various Scenarios
Madhesi, Janajati, Business Community
Three Parties: Congress, Communist, Sadbhavana
ANONYM: Association Of Nepali Organizations In New York Metro
Manoj Gajurel, Comic, In NYC Soon
Joint Movement
What Girija Could Have Done
Empowering Nepalis In New York City
Dipendra Jha: The Real Picture Of The Madhesi Movement
No Guns, Explosives, Weapons Outside Cantonments
MPRF: A Few Scenarios

In The News

Four parties tussle over plum portfolios NepalNews The NC has been claiming senior deputy prime minister along with plum portfolios like finance, defence and home while the Maoists are adamant on their demand for deputy prime minister and home ministry and the UML wants finance ministry. NC-D has also demanded four ministries currently held by it.
Gaur limps back to normalcy; another suspect of Wednesday massacre held
Electoral Constituency Delineation Commission starts work
Formation of parties in Bhutan is a ploy: Refugee leader
Maoists develop doubts over Koirala's leadership Angered over the occurrence of Gaur carnage and continued delay in the formation of interim cabinet, a senior Maoist leader has heaped the blame solely on the shoulders of the ageing Prime Minister. .... the Maoist MPs will not allow the parliament to run unless Koirala steps down (to form an interim government).
Now deputy Speaker doubts CA polls
NMSF severs ties with MJF; says MJF chair is a royalist

Gore in Gaur Kiran Nepal Nepali Times There was an eerie quiet in the town of Gaur before it erupted on Wednesday afternoon. It was almost as if residents knew there would be a violent confrontation between the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum and the Maoist-affiliated Tarai Mukti Morcha. ..... A shot is said to have been fired into the crowd from south of the stage, inside the rice mill that owns the field. A stampede followed, during which witnesses say MJF activists attacked the Maoists with bamboo bars. Eight bodies were found in the field when the fighting died down. Residents say that the manner in which the other dead bodies are dispersed all over town, over a radius of a couple of kilometres, suggests that people were chased down and killed one by one. ...... other groups not part of either planned meeting, such as the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (Jwala), Tarai Cobra, Independent Madhesh, and Madhesi Tiger are taking responsibility for the incident.
Only fools rush in Sheetal Kumar everyone knows that elections to the constituent assembly cannot be held in June. And still, no one wants to bell the cat. ..... The Maoists seem to have got through peace what they couldn’t win through war: a license to go on a rampage all across Nepal’s rural areas, towns, cities. Recent atrocities by their cadres, particularly the newly renamed militia, the Youth Communist League, has created a climate of fear and parallel policing mechanisms. Their trade unions have bulldozed through organised labour in hotels, restaurants, and student unions. Their political activities on the ground are run by diehard military members pulled out of the PLA. ....... As things stand today, the eight parties have ensured that registering new parties on ethnic, regional, linguistic, or communal grounds is almost impossible. And, as above, all candidates must be endorsed by one of the eight parties. The EPA has set itself up as the arbiters of who gets to represent Nepal’s diverse communities. ...... the dangers of a hurried and flawed election.
One year itch Saubhagya Shah There was the sight of mighty leaders and their auxiliary intelligentsia first dismissing the madhesi uprising as the handiwork of a few miscreants, then threatening the use of force to put out fires supposedly ignited by fundamentalists and reactionaries, and finally making a 180-degree turn to embrace the same revolt as their own—all within a week. ...... If this is the considered and principled conclusion of the victors of the April Uprising, what is delaying the declaration of a Nepali republic? .....It is now up to the victors to carry their conviction to its logical conclusion, roll up their sleeves, and get on with the real task of creating jobs, health care, and education for the masses. ....... What can the constituent assembly possibly accomplish that the existing legislature can’t do? Since the communist and the liberal parties that have passionately espoused the anti-monarchy line have complete control over the 330-member interim parliament, a proposal for a federal republic or any other restructuring that is deemed fit could sail through with an absolute majority.
The middle path Daniel Lak To all intents and purposes, there is no government in the country. .
A private little war extortionists make it their business to be highly personal. Armed with knowledge of family, home, and assets to back up their demands, they can recite your schedule, earnings, and where your children go to school. They brandish this information like a weapon, and for the CPN (Mafia) such research pays off in a big way. The victim realises there is no place to hide and that their loved ones are at dire risk, causing stress levels to increase dramatically. The more terrorised the victim, goes the extortionist’s cynical logic, the higher the payoff. ........ Victims of coercive extortion feel violated to a degree second only to the horrors of kidnapping and rape, and the trauma continues long after monies are paid. ...... The psychological wounds are worsened by the perceived need for secrecy, as the Maoists never forget to warn their prey to keep their mouth shut—or else. ....... Chilling echoes of the Khmer Rouge are evident in the party line that city dwellers must be taught a lesson for not supporting the revolution and will, in punishment, be looted until rendered ‘naked’. ....... Those who resist are beaten ...... Kathmandu was hit with a massive rise in demands last autumn, in what seemed a final fling before the party joined the mainstream. ...... The millions of unaccountable rupees paid by the government to support teenie-bopper ‘cadres’ stuck in cantonments and plump leaders lounging in the capital aren’t enough ........ we live in a Post-Truth society ...... These latest avatars of extortion issue no receipts and ignore all proof of previous payment to the cause, denying any affiliation with the CPN-M. Those who were paid in the past, when contacted with complaints about the latest demands, advise support for the revolution. The Maoists, in the finest Mafia tradition, have strong territorial instincts and cannot tolerate competition ..... The war once fought against the army is now waged against private citizens.

मधेसको राजनीति Kantipur विभिन्न आरोह, अवरोह पार गर्दै २४ दिने मधेसी जनआन्दोलनले ठूलो उपलब्धि कसैले पनि बिर्सिन ह“ुदैन । .... माघभरि चलेको आन्दोलनमा ३६ जनाको ज्यान गयो तर आन्दोलनको प्रभाव विराटनगरभन्दा पश्चिम र वीरगन्जभन्दा पर्ूवका १०-११ जिल्लाभन्दा बाहिर फैलिन सकेन । ..... फोरमले आफ्नो घोषणपत्रमा धर्मनिरपेक्ष राज्यको परिकल्पना गरेको छ । ...... मधेसी आन्दोलनको बलमा प्रधानमन्त्रीले गरेको दोस्रोे सम्बोधनले मधेसका अधिकांश माग सम्बोधन गरेको छ । १९ दिने जनआन्दोलनले समेत मुलुकलार्र्इर्र् संघीय शासनमा लाने ग्यारेन्टी गर्न नसकेको मधेस आन्दोलनको बलमा अन्तरिम संविधानमा संशोधित भएको छ । ०४६ सालको परिवर्तन र जनआन्दोलनले स्थापित गर्न नसकेको सबै वर्गको समानुपातिक सहभागिताको पनि मधेस आन्दोलनले संस्थागत गरेको छ । यसका अलवा संविधानसभामा समेत समानुपातिक सहभागिताको ग्यारेन्टी गर्ने गरी जनसंख्याको आधारमा निर्वाचन क्षेत्र निर्धारण गर्ने सात दलको सहमतिमा प्रधानमन्त्रीको दोस्रो सम्बोधन र अन्तरिम संविधानमा संशोधनले मधेसी समस्या समाधानको बाटो खुलेको छ । ...... स्थापित मधेसी नेता काठमाडौं छाडेर गृहजिल्ला गएको देखि“दैन । .... माओवादीले हतियार मोह त्याग्न नसक्नु, अरू शक्तिको अस्तित्व स्वीकार गर्न नसक्नु, मेरो गोरुको बाह्रै टक्काजस्ता अहंकार माओवादीमा विद्यमान रहनुलाई लिन सकिन्छ । माओवादीले फोरमलाई प्रमुख शत्रुको रूपमा लिएको देखिनु र फोरमको हरेक कार्यक्रमलाई अवरोध पुर्‍याउन खोज्नुबाट पनि मधेसी आन्दोलनलाई मलजल मिलेको छ । विगतमा पनि माओवादीले गरेको अपहरण, चन्दा आतंक, हत्या, व्यक्तिगत सम्पत्ति कब्जालगायतबाट आम जनसमुदायमा जागेको माओवादीप्रतिको वितृष्णा पनि हाल जारी मधेसी आन्दोलनमा व्यापक प्रयोग भएको छ । त्यसैले पनि विगतदेखि हालको मधेस आन्दोलनमा मधेसी अधिकारबारेको नारा कम र माओवादीविरुद्ध चर्का नारा घन्केको छ ।

Survey: Nepalis In New York City

I called a whole bunch of Nepali community leaders in the city today. I have been trying to sell the concept of an umbrella organization for the tri state area as the only way to empower the Nepalis locally.

The support is lukewarm or nonexistent. The strongest support came from Mohan Gyawali. Curiously Gyawali leads one of the largest Nepali organizations in the city. And because most members of his organization live in a few large buildings next to each other, members of his organization perhaps interact with each other more than that of most others.

The lack of enthusiasm I attribute to the lack of political consciousness in the community. People are passionate about what happens in Nepal, and that is good. There are major conversations about democracy and human rights, Madhesi and Janajati rights. But that Nepal fixation also means Nepalis do not much focus on the here and now.

This is a First World, Third World thing. This is a West, Global South thing. This is a civil rights issue.

I just got off the phone with Ashok Gurung. He said people are not opposed to the idea, that is not his impression. It is just that when the Nepal Ghar concept came about, the thing got announced, and then you were asked to join it. The process was faulty.

Well, I am relatively new in town.

The default is what we already have. We have a Coordination Committee. It meets once every six months. The leadership rotates. Tara Niraula was Convenor of the November 2006 meeting. He has been the Coordinator for the following six month period. I am the Convenor for the May 2007 meeting. I guess that means I get to hold the Coordinator title for the six months after that. Someone else is Convenor for the November 2007 meeting. And so on. That we already have. A very loose federation, rotating leadership.

But my point is that is not very empowering.

What I am proposing is very simple: one person one vote democracy, transparency, mass organization. One person one vote democracy is a very powerful concept.

I really hope we can grow on from the Coordination Committee, to the ANONYM. The May meeting will be a great time to do it. And we can have our first convention the following May.

ANONYM: Association Of Nepali Organizations In New York Metro

ANONYM Audio 2 03/24/07
ANONYM Audio 03/21/07

Please take a moment to take an online survey. Just click here and enter survey number 49593 in the Take A Survey box on the bottom right!

Selected Survey: Nepalis In New York City

Survey Question/Answers Count Percent Graph 1. Do you think those with green cards should be allowed to vote in the New York City elections? Yes 3 60.00% No 0 0.00% Maybe 2 40.00% Don't know 0 0.00% Don't care 0 0.00% 2. How many Nepalis do you think there are in America? More than 120,000 4 80.00% 120,000 1 20.00% 100,000 0 0.00% 80,000 0 0.00% Less than 80,000 0 0.00% 3. How many Nepalis do you think there are in New York City? More than 40,000 4 80.00% 40,000 1 20.00% 30,000 0 0.00% 25,000 0 0.00% Less than 25,000 0 0.00% 4. How much does an average Nepali in New York City make per year you think? More than $50,000 0 0.00% $50,0000 1 20.00% $30,000 0 0.00% $20,000 2 40.00% $10,000 or less 2 40.00% 5. How much do you make per year? More than $50,000 1 20.00% $50,0000 1 20.00% $30,000 0 0.00% $20,000 0 0.00% $10,000 or less 3 60.00% 6. What is your education level? Doctorate 1 20.00% Postgraduate 0 0.00% College Graduate 3 60.00% High School Graduate 0 0.00% High School Dropout 1 20.00% 7. Where in the city do you live? Queens 1 20.00% Manhattan 0 0.00% Brooklyn 2 40.00% Bronx 1 20.00% Staten Island 1 20.00% 8. Do you support the concept of an umbrella organization in the city? ANONYC, Association of Nepali Organizations in New York City? Yes 0 0.00% No 1 20.00% Maybe 1 20.00% Strongly Opposed 2 40.00% Strongly Support 1 20.00% 9. Do you feel the need for a Nepali Community Center in the city, perhaps somewhere in Queens, perhaps near Jackson Heights? And would you be willing to contribute $5 per month towards it? Yes 1 20.00% No 0 0.00% Maybe 3 60.00% Strongly Opposed 0 0.00% Strongly Support 1 20.00% 10. How do you like New York City? I love it 3 60.00% I hate it 0 0.00% It is not all I thought it would be 1 20.00% Papee Pet Ka Sawal Hai 0 0.00% Don't ask, don't tell 1 20.00%

Total Survey Participants Answering At Least One Question ?: 5

Sarita Giri: Madheshi Movement In Defense Of Democracy And Madheshi Nationalism

Madheshi movement has forced the politics of the country towards a new direction. The dynamics generated by the movement have been so powerful that it has compelled the eight parties to accept the need of amending the interim constitution within thirty five days of its promulgation. The step itself is admittance of the fact that political negotiations concluded earlier are flawed and inadequate. Earlier the dominant political elites chose to call it a regressive movement. Later on, they called it unforeseen and unexpected. But that does not entail the truth.

The Madheshi movement is neither unexpected, nor unforeseen nor regressive. It is very much in defense of democracy and Madheshi nationalism. It is for the political acknowledgment of Madheshi nationalism within the widely divergent Nepali nationalism.

The movement is as old as the democratic movement in this country. But till now the movement has been defined as an ethnic movement and the intrinsic nationalist aspirations of Madheshis have never been emphasized. But the way the movement is enduring against all odds, speaks loudly of the deeper meanings and emotional values that Madheshi people are willing to assign to the movement. It is due to Madheshi’s nationalist aspirations that an assurance of enhanced representation for Madhesh on the basis of population increase is not able to arrest or stop the movement.

The seeds of the movement had been sown in the year 2008 when Tarai congress was formed within Nepali congress. The development at that stage made obvious the discriminatory and domineering tendencies of the hill elites towards Madheshi elites in a political party. The current madheshi movement has made obvious again the same domineering, exclusionary and subordinating attitudes prevailing against madheshis in almost all mainstream hill- centric political parties. Consequently, for the first time in the history of Nepal an autonomous Madheshi movement has emerged from within the people. Thus a careful analysis of the movement is essential.

The movement is essentially a nationalist movement and it embodies deep cry for political acknowledgement of Madheshi’s identity and culture and political equality. It embodies goals of the creation of a new inclusive nation-state and democratization of politics. In the past, the process of democratization has always been thwarted by dominant hill elites to maintain their relentless political grip over the image and reality of the Nation . That in turn has made both democracy and nation building, failed projects in Nepal.

I intend to argue that the success of democracy and nation building will depend very much upon the successful conclusion of the ongoing Madheshi movement. I would also argue that the hill elites, of varying beliefs and ideology across the political spectrum have failed in institutionalizing democracy in the country so far not merely because of their exclusionary nationalist project but also because of other specific trends and tendencies associated with their origin, life circumstances and resulting psyche. I would propose that madheshi perspectives provide the best solution for crises of democracy and nation building in this country from political as well as economic angle. Adoption of federal principle for restructuring of the state is the first essential step in the direction.

Democracy as a political system can never survive for long if psychological, economic and cultural elements are not conducive and political structures not proper. The failure of democracy in Nepal so far is failure of hill perspective and hill psyche altogether. The hill people are mostly familiar with subsistence mode of life. They have never enough in the hills to support their lives and dreams. The culture of war making and migration is a consequence of that. They lack skills of entrepreneurship in lack of surplus in the hills. In lack of surplus, labour has not much meaning in the hills. Thus the labor in the hills gets its value either by migrating or by joining warfare. Consequently the hill people lack basic aptitude and attributes for capitalist development by nature.

Their sense of nationalism is also disjointed because their attachment with their place of birth is emotional rather than both material and emotional. They understand that their space of origin would not provide them enough to fulfill common human aspirations. Colonization of the Madhesh and strangulation of madheshi identity became essential. Exclusionary nationalism became the foundation of Modern Nepali state. Even the democratic hill elites founded democracy on the foundation of Gorakhali nationalism. Before the advent of democracy, the design of Shahas and Ranas for Nepali state have been imperialistic and feudalistic in nature. The political elites after 1990 have further built on that.People in Nepal have experience of very limited democracy so far even in democratic rule. Thus the country suffers from three types of hegemonic traits : exclusionary nationalism, colonialism and feudalism. Consequently, seizure of power in Kathmandu and control of land in madhesh have remained indispensable for the emerging hill elites from 1950 onwards. While the seizure of state power provided the base for political nationalism, the colonization of Madhesh provided the economic base for reinforcing hill centric rule of the country. Thus from the very nbeginning, Madhesh has been placed at the service of the hills.

And still democracy led by hill elites had not able to work. According to democratic hill elites, the king has remained the main obstacle for democracy. But the explanation is not adequate. In the new scenario, the leaders of different political parties and the king found themselves as rivals but the hill nationalism is the common interest that bound them together. Also at times, when rivalry among them for power become very intense, they do not loose sight of this very vital interest. The hill democratic elites have not abstained from making the king active and authoritarian when they have perceived a threat to hill nationalism or when things had gone beyond that control. They have done so on occasions in the past when rivalry among them for power had become very intense. Not surprisingly, power in the past has kept shuttling among the hill political elites including the king even in democracy. But the commonality of interest has kept the old network and old politics has remained intact throughout. Even today some parties are eager to keep the king as the lion in the cage who should be freed to wander and hunt for prey in most arbitrary and authoritarian manner, but should be brought back into the cage when mission is accomplished. The most ironical or interesting part of the design is that the lion will be made to blame for all the mischievous deeds without responsibility and will be caged and guarded by the same elites against any harm. “The king must live on despite of everything and anything” in the design of semi democratic hill elite. Therefore, from 1950 onwards, Nepal has democratic version of old Bharadari politics rather than genuine democratic politics where king also has been a key player but with tacit consent of other elites.

Not much has seemingly changed after Jan Andolan II. The same dynamics of political game are still active. Nepali people are worst affected by such games played in the name of democracy as such political games thwarts the power to go to the people in real terms. And large section of hill elites do not intend the power to go to people in real terms as that would damage the prospects of maneuvering and brokerage in the realm of power . Thus the institution of monarchy is indispensable for them. They need monarchy to keep in place the conspiracy theories as that shield them from accepting responsibilities for wrongs done by themselves. The traditional hill elites would like to throw the King only when they would believe that they would be the ultimate winner in this country of diverse nationalities.

The emerging madheshi and janajati movement for democratization and assorted Nepali nationalism could be such a threat to them. So one should not be surprised if the democratic exercise of constituent assembly election will be suspended in the face of emerging new political movements. Though the king and darbariyas will be blamed in the name of conspiracy theory but such an act will serve the common interest of all the hill elites and of those madheshis who are co opted by them.

The madheshi movement has emerged as the most serious challenge to all traditional hegemonic interest. After the emergence of the modern centralized state, the hill elites, through the control of state power are virtually in control of natural resources such as forest and water resources. But they have badly failed in managing these resources for economic development. It is basically because of their “capture and seizure” mentality in the realm of governance. Because they fear that development of water resources and loosening of control over forest to local political units would empower madhesh and madheshi, the development of water resources is suspended. In this scenario, near absolute dependency upon foreign aid to run the state is a need of the Hill elites.

In case of land they have faced resistance of Madheshis from the very beginning. The rise of communist movement led by hill elites is a response to that. Regarding land holding congress has not been much different from the communist parties. Madheshi jeemidars or landlords participated in the political revolution led by Nepali congress in 2007 because they wanted to get rid of Rana's autocratic control over land in Madhesh. It was essentially a bourgeoise revolution as its success paved the way for having private property in land for the first time in Nepal. But the success of the revolution did not bring freedom and power to them. B. P. Koirala wanted to pursue radical land reform program along the principles of democratic socialism. His targeted was the land in madhesh and the madhesi elites. His whole idea was to institutionalize peasant economy in Madhesh as in the hills. Madheshi elites asked the question that was B.P.willing to have the same egalitarian approach for sharing of political power? The answer was a big no. Thus Tarai congress was formed within Neplai congress in form of protest. Land is the base of existence of Madhesis in Nepal. Because of their bonds with land Madheshis are more nationalist than any other hill group. It is not only emotional as in case of hill people but also material as the land only has provided sustenance and nourishment to larger mass of madheshis of any class against all sorts of onslaught of the state. When B.P was keen on pursuing radical land reform, the madheshi elites were disgruntled. King Mahendra and his allies understood the discontent and capitalized on that. The royal coup was by and large unopposed in the Madhesh. But after imposing his absolute rule he initiated land reform programs that would essentially weaken the madheshi elites. King Mahendra himself was not sympathetic to the Madheshi elites as he had become aware of rebellion potential of madheshi eleites in 2007 revolution. His inner attitudes towards them was essentially not different from democratic hill elites. He used land reform and citizenship act to weaken and alienatete all madheshis. Most of the land seized by the state has either been given to hill migrants known as sukumbasi or are with the state. Madheshi landless people were not identified by the state. The dual ownership of land was another severe blow to the productive capacity of agricultural land. Because of dual ownership, people stopped investing in agriculture. Land disputes arose dramatically. The citizenship acts barred huge number of madheshi peasants and tenants to claim for land rights in the new regime. Over period of time agricultural farms in Madhesh gradually turned out to be a means of subsistence rather than surplus product A country which has been food exporter earlier became a net importer. Population as well as poverty increased because of wrong land management policies. Land reform program in the past has served no other prurposes (such as industrialization or economic growth) than weakening the Madheshis and strangulating Madhesh.

The worsening economic situation within the country and waves of democracy in eastern Europe towards 1990 brought political awakening in favor of democracy in the country in 1990. As a consequnce of 1990 movement Communists (led by hill elites) emerged as a formidable new force. Revolutionary land reform agenda has been now their political agenda. But it would be naive to say that it was no more the agenda of Nepali Congress. Prime -minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has agreed to reduce the ceiling to 4 to 5 bighas from 11 bighas in Madhesh. It was due to the movement led by Nepal Sadbhawana Party and supported by madheshi elites across parties that the government dropped its agenda.

And now in 2007 they are the Maosits who have designed to march ahead with their agenda of revolutionary land reform. It has explicitly been mentioned in the Interim Constitution. This time too, Nepal Sadbhawan Party (Anandi Devi) has written note of dissent against the revolutionary land reform program . The aim behind such an agenda is obviously to enhance the control of hill centric state over madhesh. This is the context against which the current Madheshi movement and its demands of republicanism, autonomy, self determination and federalism should be understood. It is false to call the present resistance movement merely as regressive movement. Madhesi movement has brought forth some of the essential traits of Madhesh.

Madhesh because of its land, culture, agricultural economy, and enterprenurship skills has been able to contain all forms of extremism, be it that of the king or of any political ideology. And that is something that provides the best possibilities for success of democracy in Nepal, in case of madhesh is integrated on the basis of equality in the New Nepal. But the prior condition would be that madheshi are given political power on equal basis.

The concept of class struggle or class conflict will not have much appeal for madheshis as long as their nationality is not acknowledged within the new political framework. Madheshis participated in large number in the Maoist movemet not merely due to class appeal but because the movement gave them new hope for emancipation and equality. The large chunk of caders and leaders of Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha and Madheshi Janadhikar Forum have had linkages with Nepal Communist Party (Maoist). Madheshis are not willing to surrender their national struggle for the sake of class interest. It is the call of nationalism which is bringing all madheshis together. A correct approach towards the movement will keep the country intact and pave way for economic development and sustainable democracy. A wrong or biased approach might lead the country towards bloody ethnic conflict.

Sarita Giri

Central Committee Member(Nepal Sadbhawana Party –Anandi Devi)

22nd March, 2007

Sahana Pradhan, Sarita Giri, Chitra Lekha Yadav, Pratibha Rana
सरिता गिरी: अशान्त मधेस, नया नेपाल

Hamro Nepal, ANTA Press Releases On Gaur Incident

Hamro Nepal Press Release: Only A Political Outlet To The Madhesi Movement

ANONYM Audio 03/21/07
Invest 03/19/07
Audio Message 03/03/07

ANONYM: Association Of Nepali Organizations In New York Metro

Hamro Nepal, "world's first digital democracy organization," is deeply saddened by the recent incident in Gaur where a political clash has resulted in more than 25 deaths. This should never have happened, and this should not be allowed to repeat. A thorough investigation has to be conducted, and the guilty have to be brought to justice.

Hamro Nepal is sorry to note that the local police stayed away when they could have engaged in crowd control. This is reflective of the weak law and order situation the country faces as it tries to navigate its way to the constituent assembly. This can not be allowed to continue if we are to envision a free and fair election to the proposed constituent assembly. The worst case fallout from this could be a civil war, Sri Lanka style, and we have to openly talk about it if only to make sure we muster all the political strength, skill, magnanimity, and maturity that we can to prevent any such possibility. The Nepali people, Pahadi or Madhesi, deserve better than ethnic violence, let alone a civil war.

It was a political mistake on the part of the Maoists to try to organize a mass meeting at the same place and same time as that of the Madhesi People's Rights Forum. That was the third attempt on the part of the Maoists after Bhairahawa and Nepalgunj to disrupt a MPRF mass meeting. That shows a lack of respect for the basics of multi-party democracy among the Maoists. The Maoist leadership has to take note, and it needs to train its cadres so as to make sure cadres of all parties can engage in political activities in all villages and all towns across the country. Without that constituent assembly elections can not be imagined.

The Maoists must also transform themselves completely into a political party before elections can be imagined. Political parties do not engage in law enforcement work. Political parties do not run the traffic. All extortions, abductions, and threat of use of force have to come to a halt all across the country. Seized property has to be returned, although that is no argument against drastic land reform, which must be carried out by a duly elected government, if need be.

The interim parliament must also pass a law that makes it mandatory for all parties to make public their book keeping. If the Maoists are substantially richer than all the other parties put together, that also is going to distort the ground reality and free and fair elections can not be imagined.

The MPRF is a nonviolent political organization. And we urge the organization to continue to be so. We urge the MPRF leadership to train its local cadres to never give in to any temptation to random acts of violence, arson, and hooliganism in general. You hurt the cause when you engage in violence, however unplanned, however isolated.

There is some speculation Indian criminals hired by regressive elements might have been behind the methodical killings. A thorough investigation must get to the bottom of the truth.

The primary onus though rests on the political leadership of the eight parties.

The need of the hour in the country is to hold at the earliest free and fair elections to a constituent assembly that will "look" like Nepal as much as possible in terms of its ethnic and gender composition, and we have to get there without ditching the basic one person one vote mechanism that is democracy. All the knotty, difficult, challenging issues are to be solved inside that assembly through debate, dialogue and voting.

The eight parties have to accept the three basic demands of the Madhesi, Janajati, Dalit Movement so as to clear up the road for the journey to the constituent assembly elections.

1. Home Minister resign to take moral responsibility for the 38 deaths during the Madhesi Movement.
2. Form probe commission that will report on the 21 day long Madhesi Movement.
   
3. Hold proportional elections to the constituent assembly.
   

Hamro Nepal urges the Nepali diaspora to get behind these three basic demands so we can all then head on to holding free and fair elections to a constituent assembly. The Gaur tragedy should bring to focus the specific political action we can take so as to avoid taking the country down a downslide.

Paramendra Bhagat
President, Hamro Nepal

Om Gurung
Gaur: Prachanda's Reichstag Fire?
Gaur: The Madhesi Gongabu
PM, Defense, Finance: Congress, DPM, Home: UML, DPM: Maoist
Magar Event
Mainstreaming Maoist Tendencies In The Madhesh

In The News

Uneasy Calm in Gaur After Wednesday's Bloodbath Himalayan Times Over three hundred locals of Gaur left for bordering villages of India since Wednesday ...... The bazaars remained closed while only few rickshaws, motorcycles and bicycles were seen plying. The government offices and academic institutions also remained shut. The final examinations of the schools in the district have not been conducted since past three days. Vehicular movement on Chandranigahapur-Gaur road section has come to complete halt from past three days .... Altogether 28 persons were killed and over 40 injured in the clash that occurred in Gaur on Wednesday. The Maoists have taken all the bodies to the capital claiming that they were all Maoist cadres. ..... the bodies will be cremated at Pashupati Aryaghat after a rally ...... Meanwhile, an armed group looted cash and goods worth of over Rs 4 lakhs from the houses at Baleri of Bishrampur VDC that lies along the border of Gaur last night, the DPO said. The Gaur residents have become more terrified after the incident. A Local, Govinda Dhital sustained bullet injuries, during retaliation against the looters
Maoists protest in Kathmandu against Gaur killings Zee News, India
UNMIN, US Ask Govt Not to Spare Perpetrators of Gaur Killings Himalayan Times, Nepal

MPRF expresses sorrow over Gaur incident Kantipur the MPRF has urged the government to begin a fair investigation into the incident. The MPRF said that the government in co-ordination with the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights should form a high level committee to probe into the incident and demanded that after a thorough investigation, action should be taken against the guilty ........... Rastriya Janashakti Party accused the eight parties of not paying proper attention to the problems of the Madhesis, Janjatis and other ethnic communities and added such an incident has taken place as a result of indifference. .... Maoist-aligned Madhesi Rastriya Mukti Morcha (MRMM), which was directly involved in the clash with the MPRF, condemned the incident and demanded stern against the forum.
Don't mistake our leniency for weakness, caution Maoist lawmakers
US condemns Gaur massacre
Gaur carnage exposed lack of effective policing: UNMIN exposed the lack of effective policing in many parts of the country
OHCHR saddened by Gaur killings
Maoists hold memorial service for Gaur clash victims
Interim Legislature to form six committees today
Fear rife in Rautahat; PLA troops continue to desert Chitwan camp Although two days have passed since the deadly shootout ..... activity in Gaur is minimal, with only a few shops staying open. ..... The locals, still terrified after the incident, remain reluctant to venture out of their houses. ...... Vehicular movement in the streets is almost nil while private schools are shut down in Gaur.
Defer polls through eight-party accord: Deuba given the absence of a fear-free environment to hold the polls at present. ..... the government to must also focus its attention on how to address the demand raised by the Madheshi community and others.
गौर सुनसान भयभीत र्सवर् साधारण घर बाहिर निस्कन डराएका थिए । .... माओवादी कार्यकर्ता अशोकले गृहमन्त्रीलगायतको टोलीसमक्ष भिडन्तका बेला प्रहरीले सहयोग नगरेको गुनासो गरेका थिए । आक्रमणबाट बच्न प्रहरीको शरणमा गएका बेला उल्टै प्रहरीले फोरमतर्फधकेलिदिएको आरोप उनले लगाए । ...... माओवादी आफैंले हेलिकोप्टर चार्टर गरी ती शव ल्याइएका हुन् । शव महाराजगन्जस्थित शिक्षण अस्तालमा राखिएका छन् । ...... मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चाका महासचिव प्रभु साहले २१ जनालाई फोरम कार्यकर्ताले समातेर हत्या गरेको र छतछतबाट समेत गोली हानेको दाबी गरेका छन् । उनले आफ्नो तर्फाट गोली नचलेको पनि दाबी गरे । मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमका जिल्ला अध्यक्ष अमर यादवले आफ्ना केन्द्रीय नेताहरूलाई सभामै हत्या गर्ने माओवादी षड्यन्त्र रहेकाले प्रतिकार गरिएको दाबी गरे । ........ घटनाका बेला प्रमुख जिल्ला अधिकारी माधव ओझा प्रहरीस“ग समन्वयसमेत नगरी सेनाको ब्यारेकमा बसेका थिए । कफर््र्यु लगाउन प्रमुख जिल्ला अधिकारीको लिखित आदेश प्राप्त गर्न नसकी प्रहरी आफैंले निर्ण्र्ाागरी माइकिङ गर्न हि“डेको थियो । ..... फोरमकै आन्दोलनका क्रममा केही अघि तोडफोड र आगजनी भएको आफ्नो कार्यालय स्थापना नगरी प्रजिअ ओझाले निवासबाट कामकाज गर्दै आएका छन् ।
ँफोरममाथि प्रतिबन्ध लगाउनर्ुपर्छ’
घाइतेहरूको टाउकोमा गम्भीर चोट
माओवादीका थारु नेता अपहरित
रौतहटमा मृत्यु भएकाहरू संजोग -दांग), प्रभा तामाङ -मकवानपुर), संजु, अर्जुन-गोर्खा), रामविश्वास यादव -रौतहट) लफ्फा -मकवानपुर), राजनपोखरेल-मकवानपुर), गोविन्द अधिकारी-मकवानपुर), उषा थापा -बारा), सरस्वती उपे्रती -रौतहट), प्रतिमा परियार -रौतहट) छोटेलाल साह -रौतहट), नागेश्वर उपाध्याय -रौतहट), रामाकान्त चौधरी -रौतहट), चुन्नु -रौतहट) प्रवीण अन्सारी -रौतहट), प्रतिमा खातुन -रौतहट), देवेन्द्र अधिकारी -रौतहट) ..... शवको प्रकृति हर्ेदा अधिकांशलाई नियन्त्रणमा लिएर अमानवीय तवरले हत्या गरिएको पाइएको छ । हत्या गरिएका मध्ये तीन महिलालाई जलाएर मारिएको जिल्ला प्रहरी कार्यालयले जनाएको छ । मारिएकामध्ये पन्ध्रको शव करिब पा“च किलो मिटर टाढा प्रहरीले भेटेको थियो । मारिनेको संख्या बढ्नसक्ने माओवादीले जनाएको छ । ....... ढुंगानाले भने- 'मधेसमा केही महिनाअघि भएका दर्जनौं हत्याका घटनापछि हिजोको रौतहटमा भएको दर्ुइ दर्जनभन्दा बढीको हत्याले मुलुकभरका जनतालाई भयभित तथा त्रसित बनाएको छ ।'

Maoists dismiss govt’s probe committee; memorial service organised for Gaur victims NepalNews Bhattarai said and warned that the Maoists “will be compelled to punish the perpetrators of Gaur massacre if the government fails to bring them to justice”. He also claimed that royal reactionaries and foreign elements were behind the Gaur killings.
Seal the border, says Mahara; Maoists stop House session Charging that the elements from across the border were used to carry out the Gaur carnage ..... "Seal the border. Form joint investigation team of eight parties. Declare all those killed as martyrs"
EU asks Maoists to walk the talk; wants to see interim govt formed soon
Cabinet forms panel to probe Gaur bloodshed
US Embassy condemns Gaur violence; urges law and order
Army chief briefs PM over security situation
Rights activists reveal shocking details of Gaur attack
Debate on federalism kicks off
Maoists' Tharu leader abducted

After bloodbath, looters spread terror in Terai India eNews.com, India Even before mourning for the 28 people killed in clashes in Nepal's Terai plains died down, fresh gunfire and terror erupted in the same afflicted district once again early Friday, injuring at least one. ....the bandits looted at least 16 houses at gunpoint ..... The government's inability to bring to book the Maoists responsible for the first killings in the plains in Lahan town in January has fuelled the unrest and jeopardised the upcoming elections, Koirala said. ...... though a considerable number of law enforcement personnel were present in the area Wednesday, only a small number were deployed to the scene of the incidents.

Prachanda a nouveau dictator Nepal... Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal the Maoists are trying to disrupt the peaceful protest programs organized by the Forum and also have a plan to kill their leaders. ... “We are ready to solve the problems through dialogue”, Sita Nandan Rai- an ex-UML leader ..... valley incharge Upendra Kumar Jha said that the Maoists equipped with modern weaponries were the first to fire at a peaceful program organized by the Forum in Gaur. .... Prachanda is no more than a dictator so his outburst against us is understandable. ..... the Maoists cadres exploding bombs and firing bullets had arrived in the venue disrupting the MJF program that was planned a week before.
Nepal King s Coronation set... Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal King Gyanendra appears to be in a mood to organize “coronation ceremony” for himself. ..... The dates for the coronation ceremony to take place have tentatively been set around by the Pundits and astrologers for the second week of the first month of the next Nepali year-Baisakh 14- which corresponds to April 27, 2007

Rights activists reveal shocking details of Gaur attack NepalNews murderers raped five women and cut off their breasts before killing them. Over one dozen persons were chased five to eight kilometers before they were killed. .... organised criminal gang must have been involved in the attack. "Looking at the grisly manner of killing, one cannot imagine that any political organisation can engage in such act ..... those who were killed have been found to have sustained grave wounds in their heads. Bamboo sticks and spears have been used repeatedly to smash their heads ..... Dr. Mathura Prasad Shrestha, Dr. Arjun Karki, Dr. Gauri Shankar Lal Das, Padma Ratna Tuladhar, Daman Nath Dhungana, Subodh Pyakurel, Gauri Pradhan, Bishnu Pukar Shrestha and Bimal Chandra Sharma
Maoists' Tharu leader abducted Laxman Tharu aka Roshan who had last week rebelled from the Maoist party and vowed to float a separate front to carry forward causes of Tharu community and who had dramatically announced return to the Maoist fold a few days ago, has been abducted ...... a group calling itself TM Don Group has claimed the responsibility for his abduction ..... demanded Rs 1 million ransom within five days to release him. .... Maoist leaders have suspected hand of reactionary conspirators in his abduction
Government to take action against guilty of Gaur incident: Sitaula locals of Rautahat were confined to their houses even after the local administration lifted curfew from 3 pm .... All shops and educational institutions in the area remained shut.
SC forms committee to study model of court in federal structure
Nepalnews page views cross 100 million Nepalnews' unique page views hit the 100 million mark on Monday (March 19), starting from 20th November 2000. This figure does not include the hits between August 1998, when the news portal was actually launched, and 19th of November 2000. .... in the days to come with emphasis on video and audio

Gaur massacre has shocked world: Martin Himalayan Times “A credible election would require not only the management of arms and armies, and the right laws and technical preparations: It requires a climate in which all political parties can campaign freely in all places, and all voters can vote free of any intimidation or fear of reprisal” ..... “The Young Communist League must be a peaceful political organisation and must not engage in purported law enforcement.”
A royalist plot, says Prachanda Prachanda also rapped the local administration for being a “mute spectator” even though the massacre took place for hours within the secured district headquarters. He claimed that the MJF used sophisticated wea-pons
Leaders Demand Sitaula's Resignation Over Gaur Incident the incident would not have happened if the administration had taken necessary precaution, when it was obvious that there would be conflict between the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum and the Maoists, because both of them were planning to organise mass meetings in the same venue on the same time. ...... CPN-UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari ..... Nepali Congress (NC) leader Arjun Narsingh KC held both the government and the Maoists responsible for the Rautahat incident. Saying that the Maoists are still involved in undemocratic activities ........ UML leader Raghu Bir Mahaset termed the Rautahat incident as a result of the government "weakness". ..... C P Mainali of the United Left Front said the episode was well-planned and it indicated of a "dangerous game plan."

Om Gurung

'We ought to keep our integrity intact'

Dr Om Gurung, who heads the Napal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NFIN), is an assistant professor of Central Department of Anthropology, Tribhuwan University. Dr Gurung holds PhD degree from Cornell University and loves to call himself a social activist, rather than assistant professor of TU. NFIN has begun to stage a peaceful protest since Saturday to exert pressure on the government for granting autonomy on the bases of language, ethnicity and geography. He says that this protest should not affect the holding of constituent assembly polls.

Dr Gurung spoke with Puran P Bista of The Kathmandu Post, shedding light on how the state should be restructured and ethnic groups and subgroups be empowered in this country.
Excerpts:

Q: Why has your organization been fighting for ethnic rights when the interim parliament has recently been amended to federalize the country?

Dr Om Gurung: In the current political process, we have given priority to ethnic rights. The rationale is that in the last 238-year long history, the rights of the ethnic groups have been denied by the state. The state never tried to address the problems of the ethnic groups. For example, tribes such as Tharu, Magar, Gurung, Rai, etc are the indigenous people but their stakes in state administration, judiciary and armed forces, as per the population, have been minimum. They have been suppressed, oppressed and marginalized. The state has limited their growth because of the denial of the socio-economic and political rights. The state continues to exclude them from all kinds of state welfare schemes. The state benefits directly go into the pockets of those who are in power. And I think you know who are benefiting from such state-run programs.

The ethnic groups became poorer. Their languages have been pushed toward extinction. The indigenous groups have endured the state suppression for long. We can no longer tolerate such practices. We want our rights to be guaranteed in the constitution to be drafted after the constituent assembly polls. The first thing is, the state must acknowledge this fact and restructure it to ensure the rights of indigenous communities. To do so, we must have stakes in all the decision-making bodies. In other words, our representation must be granted on the basis of population.

And we have adopted a peaceful means to exert pressure on the government.

Q: Could you be more specific on your demands?

Dr Gurung: The reality is that the state has failed to accommodate us and recognize our languages, culture and tradition. This is very clear. So long as the current policy of exclusion or discrimination lasts, the indigenous communities will continue to suffer. We think that the three aspects should be taken into account before we restructure the state: Language, communities and geography. Distinct communities settled in particular geographical areas have distinct languages. The state should be restructured on these bases. The theoretical objective is to have provisions of self-determination. We have been claiming “along with the provision of self-determination”, which means that an ethnic community does not enjoy the right to determine the fate of the area it dominates. There are differences between the “along with self-determination and the provision of self-determination”.

Q: What are the differences between “the along with self-determination and self-determination”.

Dr Durung: If we say the provision of self-determination, it can go to the extent of having a separate state. “Along with self-determination” means the autonomy granted to a unit that does not enjoy the right to be a separate state.

Q: Does your version of self-determination mean that any ethnic group enjoys no right to hold plebiscite on whether or not a unit can be part of Nepal?

Dr Gurung: “Along with self-determination” cannot be equated with the demand made by the Sri Lankan Tamils who have been fighting for a separate Tamil state. “Along with self-determination” means a separate geographical unit within the country. We have to take into account the country's integrity and social structure before restructuring it. We have stayed together for so long. Now, we cannot demand for a separate state. Secondly, if we look at the geo-political situation, it is very fragile. Our country has been wedged between two Asian giant countries—China and India. We have to learn from them and live together. If we demand separate states, there are chances of swallowing these states by either of these two Asian giants. So, we have to be careful and should not let the separatist groups have upper hands in deciding the fate of this country. We do need self-determination but not to the extent of granting the ethnic groups to opt for a separate state. It is impossible to think so both in theory and practice.

Q: But one of the demands made by Madhesi People's Rights Forum and Terai Janatrantric Mukti Morka is of provision for self-determination. Don't you think so?

Dr Gurung: We, too, have demanded self-determination. But it is absolutely different from that of MPRF or TJMM. We differ on this count with MPRF. MPRF wants a separate terai state stretching from Jhapa to Kanchanpur, where over a dozen ethnic communities are living. They speak different languages, practice different cultures and traditions. We never let terai be in the hands of a few feudal lords who want to rule the weak and poor.

A few groups want self-determination for a separate state. We have to grant autonomy on the basis of language, community and geography. It empowers every community and provides an opportunity to develop this country.

Q: That means the country does not need to be federalized. There are other political mechanisms as well, to empower the indigenous communities.

Dr Gurung: No, we are very much for federalism. The structure of the country should be federal.

Q: What kind of federalism you think will be suitable to this country? Do you see India as the best example?

Dr Gurung: Again, we define it on the basis of how we draw provisions for self-determination. We are not looking for a union sort of federalism as the Soviet Union had, nor a confederation. Grant autonomy to the unit and empower the local people. We need a loose and indivisible federal structure, where our sovereignty is kept intact.

Q: Don't you think that we got to look into the economic aspect as well, while federalizing this country? Is it possible to grant your kind of self- determination to 90 ethnic communities?

Dr Gurung: It should be based on ethnicity. The separate regions are dominated by separate ethnic communities. For example, Solukhumbu is dominated by Sherpas. If you visit Manang, you find Manages. In terai, Maithelis, Bhojpuris, Awadis, Tharus etc speak different languages. So, if it is possible to grant autonomy on the basis of language, then let us do so. But take for granted that it is not applicable to all parts of the country. Terai cannot be made a single unit citing Hindi as a binding language. We can grant autonomy to western and far-western regions on the basis of geography. Whether you call it Karnali Pradesh or Western Pradesh, we have to make it a separate unit on the basis of region rather than language. The rest can be split into different units on the basis of ethnicity. For example, Gandagi Pradesh is dominated by Gurungs, it should be made a separate unit. Similarly, let us have Magarat Pradesh for Magars.

Q: Economically, the curving of such Pradesh may not be possible as some of them, you just mentioned, lack adequate resource for sustaining themselves as separate units of this country.

Dr Gurung: Yes, we have to see into economic aspect as well. But how are you going to protect language, preserve culture and practice tradition? Many units could sustain and revenues generated by some of the units should be allocated to the weaker units.

Q: You have discussed on three aspects—language, ethnicity and geography. Granting autonomy or self-determination on these aspects may lead to ethnic cleansing as there would be several minorities living within each unit, and they may face the same sort of exclusion.

Dr Gurung: All forms of exploitation should not be based on ethnicity. Let us say that there are several subgroups within the group. The majority represents the unit but the minorities should also find space in decision-making bodies.

Q: How is it possible?

Dr Gurung: We have to make special arrangements for the subgroups to ensure that they find voice in all decision-making bodies.

Q: You mean introducing a reservation system as India has done so?

Dr Gurung: Yes, we can go for that. And let us not take only the backward and poor communities. Within the unit, there could be other communities as well, provided they fall in the category of minority groups. So, there is no question of ethnic cleansing. We must accommodate all the communities into the unit to address common problems. We cannot deny the basic rights and displace them simply because they happen to be subgroups living in a particular region.

Q: Such ethnic cleansing may not take place in Limbuwan, Khumbuwan or Gandak region. Can you rule out such possibility in other parts of the country?

Dr Gurung: I have a special reservation. I call it an ethnic violence. We have to dissociate from such ethnic division and those who promote violence. What is happening in terai is dangerous. It is gradually taking a shape of ethnic violence whatsoever the leaders of terai claim it.

Q: Why do you support MPRF then?

Dr Gurung: We have supported on certain issues only. The state exploited the Madhesi community. It suppressed the rights of the Madhesis for long. We support the organization that is genuinely fighting for the political rights. We have been unable to reach an understanding with MPRF because of this reason. First, MPRF talks of federal structure but on the basis of geography only. They want to have three federal units—terai, hills and mountains. How can the entire terai be a single unit only? At the most, they can compromise on a vertical division of the country into 14 zones and 54 districts only. We do not agree with such political agenda. Don't take that Madhesis alone are in terai. Second, our interpretation of Madhes is different from that of Madhesis. We want to know where Madhes is. We indigenous communities think that Madhesis are there in this country but there is no land called Madhes in Nepal. These Madhesis have come from Madhyadesh. It is a place between India's Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. So, we call them Madhesis. The rulers of this country brought them into Nepal. Now they are demanding a separate Madhes.

The third thing is that the Madhesis want the entire terai to be a separate state. There are several ethnic communities living in terai. MPRF must acknowledge this fact and seek our cooperation. Otherwise, we are not going to back the movement, no matter what they claim and demand.

MPRF talks of proportional representation of total terai. We have told them that proportional representation should be based on the population of ethnic communities. The intention of MPRF is to deny the rights of Tharus, Rajbansi, Shanthal and other minority groups living in terai. It will be dominated by Yadavs, Jhas, Shahs, Mishras, etc who have been wielding power.