Survey: Nepalis In New York City

I called a whole bunch of Nepali community leaders in the city today. I have been trying to sell the concept of an umbrella organization for the tri state area as the only way to empower the Nepalis locally.

The support is lukewarm or nonexistent. The strongest support came from Mohan Gyawali. Curiously Gyawali leads one of the largest Nepali organizations in the city. And because most members of his organization live in a few large buildings next to each other, members of his organization perhaps interact with each other more than that of most others.

The lack of enthusiasm I attribute to the lack of political consciousness in the community. People are passionate about what happens in Nepal, and that is good. There are major conversations about democracy and human rights, Madhesi and Janajati rights. But that Nepal fixation also means Nepalis do not much focus on the here and now.

This is a First World, Third World thing. This is a West, Global South thing. This is a civil rights issue.

I just got off the phone with Ashok Gurung. He said people are not opposed to the idea, that is not his impression. It is just that when the Nepal Ghar concept came about, the thing got announced, and then you were asked to join it. The process was faulty.

Well, I am relatively new in town.

The default is what we already have. We have a Coordination Committee. It meets once every six months. The leadership rotates. Tara Niraula was Convenor of the November 2006 meeting. He has been the Coordinator for the following six month period. I am the Convenor for the May 2007 meeting. I guess that means I get to hold the Coordinator title for the six months after that. Someone else is Convenor for the November 2007 meeting. And so on. That we already have. A very loose federation, rotating leadership.

But my point is that is not very empowering.

What I am proposing is very simple: one person one vote democracy, transparency, mass organization. One person one vote democracy is a very powerful concept.

I really hope we can grow on from the Coordination Committee, to the ANONYM. The May meeting will be a great time to do it. And we can have our first convention the following May.

ANONYM: Association Of Nepali Organizations In New York Metro

ANONYM Audio 2 03/24/07
ANONYM Audio 03/21/07

Please take a moment to take an online survey. Just click here and enter survey number 49593 in the Take A Survey box on the bottom right!

Selected Survey: Nepalis In New York City

Survey Question/Answers Count Percent Graph 1. Do you think those with green cards should be allowed to vote in the New York City elections? Yes 3 60.00% No 0 0.00% Maybe 2 40.00% Don't know 0 0.00% Don't care 0 0.00% 2. How many Nepalis do you think there are in America? More than 120,000 4 80.00% 120,000 1 20.00% 100,000 0 0.00% 80,000 0 0.00% Less than 80,000 0 0.00% 3. How many Nepalis do you think there are in New York City? More than 40,000 4 80.00% 40,000 1 20.00% 30,000 0 0.00% 25,000 0 0.00% Less than 25,000 0 0.00% 4. How much does an average Nepali in New York City make per year you think? More than $50,000 0 0.00% $50,0000 1 20.00% $30,000 0 0.00% $20,000 2 40.00% $10,000 or less 2 40.00% 5. How much do you make per year? More than $50,000 1 20.00% $50,0000 1 20.00% $30,000 0 0.00% $20,000 0 0.00% $10,000 or less 3 60.00% 6. What is your education level? Doctorate 1 20.00% Postgraduate 0 0.00% College Graduate 3 60.00% High School Graduate 0 0.00% High School Dropout 1 20.00% 7. Where in the city do you live? Queens 1 20.00% Manhattan 0 0.00% Brooklyn 2 40.00% Bronx 1 20.00% Staten Island 1 20.00% 8. Do you support the concept of an umbrella organization in the city? ANONYC, Association of Nepali Organizations in New York City? Yes 0 0.00% No 1 20.00% Maybe 1 20.00% Strongly Opposed 2 40.00% Strongly Support 1 20.00% 9. Do you feel the need for a Nepali Community Center in the city, perhaps somewhere in Queens, perhaps near Jackson Heights? And would you be willing to contribute $5 per month towards it? Yes 1 20.00% No 0 0.00% Maybe 3 60.00% Strongly Opposed 0 0.00% Strongly Support 1 20.00% 10. How do you like New York City? I love it 3 60.00% I hate it 0 0.00% It is not all I thought it would be 1 20.00% Papee Pet Ka Sawal Hai 0 0.00% Don't ask, don't tell 1 20.00%

Total Survey Participants Answering At Least One Question ?: 5

Sarita Giri: Madheshi Movement In Defense Of Democracy And Madheshi Nationalism

Madheshi movement has forced the politics of the country towards a new direction. The dynamics generated by the movement have been so powerful that it has compelled the eight parties to accept the need of amending the interim constitution within thirty five days of its promulgation. The step itself is admittance of the fact that political negotiations concluded earlier are flawed and inadequate. Earlier the dominant political elites chose to call it a regressive movement. Later on, they called it unforeseen and unexpected. But that does not entail the truth.

The Madheshi movement is neither unexpected, nor unforeseen nor regressive. It is very much in defense of democracy and Madheshi nationalism. It is for the political acknowledgment of Madheshi nationalism within the widely divergent Nepali nationalism.

The movement is as old as the democratic movement in this country. But till now the movement has been defined as an ethnic movement and the intrinsic nationalist aspirations of Madheshis have never been emphasized. But the way the movement is enduring against all odds, speaks loudly of the deeper meanings and emotional values that Madheshi people are willing to assign to the movement. It is due to Madheshi’s nationalist aspirations that an assurance of enhanced representation for Madhesh on the basis of population increase is not able to arrest or stop the movement.

The seeds of the movement had been sown in the year 2008 when Tarai congress was formed within Nepali congress. The development at that stage made obvious the discriminatory and domineering tendencies of the hill elites towards Madheshi elites in a political party. The current madheshi movement has made obvious again the same domineering, exclusionary and subordinating attitudes prevailing against madheshis in almost all mainstream hill- centric political parties. Consequently, for the first time in the history of Nepal an autonomous Madheshi movement has emerged from within the people. Thus a careful analysis of the movement is essential.

The movement is essentially a nationalist movement and it embodies deep cry for political acknowledgement of Madheshi’s identity and culture and political equality. It embodies goals of the creation of a new inclusive nation-state and democratization of politics. In the past, the process of democratization has always been thwarted by dominant hill elites to maintain their relentless political grip over the image and reality of the Nation . That in turn has made both democracy and nation building, failed projects in Nepal.

I intend to argue that the success of democracy and nation building will depend very much upon the successful conclusion of the ongoing Madheshi movement. I would also argue that the hill elites, of varying beliefs and ideology across the political spectrum have failed in institutionalizing democracy in the country so far not merely because of their exclusionary nationalist project but also because of other specific trends and tendencies associated with their origin, life circumstances and resulting psyche. I would propose that madheshi perspectives provide the best solution for crises of democracy and nation building in this country from political as well as economic angle. Adoption of federal principle for restructuring of the state is the first essential step in the direction.

Democracy as a political system can never survive for long if psychological, economic and cultural elements are not conducive and political structures not proper. The failure of democracy in Nepal so far is failure of hill perspective and hill psyche altogether. The hill people are mostly familiar with subsistence mode of life. They have never enough in the hills to support their lives and dreams. The culture of war making and migration is a consequence of that. They lack skills of entrepreneurship in lack of surplus in the hills. In lack of surplus, labour has not much meaning in the hills. Thus the labor in the hills gets its value either by migrating or by joining warfare. Consequently the hill people lack basic aptitude and attributes for capitalist development by nature.

Their sense of nationalism is also disjointed because their attachment with their place of birth is emotional rather than both material and emotional. They understand that their space of origin would not provide them enough to fulfill common human aspirations. Colonization of the Madhesh and strangulation of madheshi identity became essential. Exclusionary nationalism became the foundation of Modern Nepali state. Even the democratic hill elites founded democracy on the foundation of Gorakhali nationalism. Before the advent of democracy, the design of Shahas and Ranas for Nepali state have been imperialistic and feudalistic in nature. The political elites after 1990 have further built on that.People in Nepal have experience of very limited democracy so far even in democratic rule. Thus the country suffers from three types of hegemonic traits : exclusionary nationalism, colonialism and feudalism. Consequently, seizure of power in Kathmandu and control of land in madhesh have remained indispensable for the emerging hill elites from 1950 onwards. While the seizure of state power provided the base for political nationalism, the colonization of Madhesh provided the economic base for reinforcing hill centric rule of the country. Thus from the very nbeginning, Madhesh has been placed at the service of the hills.

And still democracy led by hill elites had not able to work. According to democratic hill elites, the king has remained the main obstacle for democracy. But the explanation is not adequate. In the new scenario, the leaders of different political parties and the king found themselves as rivals but the hill nationalism is the common interest that bound them together. Also at times, when rivalry among them for power become very intense, they do not loose sight of this very vital interest. The hill democratic elites have not abstained from making the king active and authoritarian when they have perceived a threat to hill nationalism or when things had gone beyond that control. They have done so on occasions in the past when rivalry among them for power had become very intense. Not surprisingly, power in the past has kept shuttling among the hill political elites including the king even in democracy. But the commonality of interest has kept the old network and old politics has remained intact throughout. Even today some parties are eager to keep the king as the lion in the cage who should be freed to wander and hunt for prey in most arbitrary and authoritarian manner, but should be brought back into the cage when mission is accomplished. The most ironical or interesting part of the design is that the lion will be made to blame for all the mischievous deeds without responsibility and will be caged and guarded by the same elites against any harm. “The king must live on despite of everything and anything” in the design of semi democratic hill elite. Therefore, from 1950 onwards, Nepal has democratic version of old Bharadari politics rather than genuine democratic politics where king also has been a key player but with tacit consent of other elites.

Not much has seemingly changed after Jan Andolan II. The same dynamics of political game are still active. Nepali people are worst affected by such games played in the name of democracy as such political games thwarts the power to go to the people in real terms. And large section of hill elites do not intend the power to go to people in real terms as that would damage the prospects of maneuvering and brokerage in the realm of power . Thus the institution of monarchy is indispensable for them. They need monarchy to keep in place the conspiracy theories as that shield them from accepting responsibilities for wrongs done by themselves. The traditional hill elites would like to throw the King only when they would believe that they would be the ultimate winner in this country of diverse nationalities.

The emerging madheshi and janajati movement for democratization and assorted Nepali nationalism could be such a threat to them. So one should not be surprised if the democratic exercise of constituent assembly election will be suspended in the face of emerging new political movements. Though the king and darbariyas will be blamed in the name of conspiracy theory but such an act will serve the common interest of all the hill elites and of those madheshis who are co opted by them.

The madheshi movement has emerged as the most serious challenge to all traditional hegemonic interest. After the emergence of the modern centralized state, the hill elites, through the control of state power are virtually in control of natural resources such as forest and water resources. But they have badly failed in managing these resources for economic development. It is basically because of their “capture and seizure” mentality in the realm of governance. Because they fear that development of water resources and loosening of control over forest to local political units would empower madhesh and madheshi, the development of water resources is suspended. In this scenario, near absolute dependency upon foreign aid to run the state is a need of the Hill elites.

In case of land they have faced resistance of Madheshis from the very beginning. The rise of communist movement led by hill elites is a response to that. Regarding land holding congress has not been much different from the communist parties. Madheshi jeemidars or landlords participated in the political revolution led by Nepali congress in 2007 because they wanted to get rid of Rana's autocratic control over land in Madhesh. It was essentially a bourgeoise revolution as its success paved the way for having private property in land for the first time in Nepal. But the success of the revolution did not bring freedom and power to them. B. P. Koirala wanted to pursue radical land reform program along the principles of democratic socialism. His targeted was the land in madhesh and the madhesi elites. His whole idea was to institutionalize peasant economy in Madhesh as in the hills. Madheshi elites asked the question that was B.P.willing to have the same egalitarian approach for sharing of political power? The answer was a big no. Thus Tarai congress was formed within Neplai congress in form of protest. Land is the base of existence of Madhesis in Nepal. Because of their bonds with land Madheshis are more nationalist than any other hill group. It is not only emotional as in case of hill people but also material as the land only has provided sustenance and nourishment to larger mass of madheshis of any class against all sorts of onslaught of the state. When B.P was keen on pursuing radical land reform, the madheshi elites were disgruntled. King Mahendra and his allies understood the discontent and capitalized on that. The royal coup was by and large unopposed in the Madhesh. But after imposing his absolute rule he initiated land reform programs that would essentially weaken the madheshi elites. King Mahendra himself was not sympathetic to the Madheshi elites as he had become aware of rebellion potential of madheshi eleites in 2007 revolution. His inner attitudes towards them was essentially not different from democratic hill elites. He used land reform and citizenship act to weaken and alienatete all madheshis. Most of the land seized by the state has either been given to hill migrants known as sukumbasi or are with the state. Madheshi landless people were not identified by the state. The dual ownership of land was another severe blow to the productive capacity of agricultural land. Because of dual ownership, people stopped investing in agriculture. Land disputes arose dramatically. The citizenship acts barred huge number of madheshi peasants and tenants to claim for land rights in the new regime. Over period of time agricultural farms in Madhesh gradually turned out to be a means of subsistence rather than surplus product A country which has been food exporter earlier became a net importer. Population as well as poverty increased because of wrong land management policies. Land reform program in the past has served no other prurposes (such as industrialization or economic growth) than weakening the Madheshis and strangulating Madhesh.

The worsening economic situation within the country and waves of democracy in eastern Europe towards 1990 brought political awakening in favor of democracy in the country in 1990. As a consequnce of 1990 movement Communists (led by hill elites) emerged as a formidable new force. Revolutionary land reform agenda has been now their political agenda. But it would be naive to say that it was no more the agenda of Nepali Congress. Prime -minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has agreed to reduce the ceiling to 4 to 5 bighas from 11 bighas in Madhesh. It was due to the movement led by Nepal Sadbhawana Party and supported by madheshi elites across parties that the government dropped its agenda.

And now in 2007 they are the Maosits who have designed to march ahead with their agenda of revolutionary land reform. It has explicitly been mentioned in the Interim Constitution. This time too, Nepal Sadbhawan Party (Anandi Devi) has written note of dissent against the revolutionary land reform program . The aim behind such an agenda is obviously to enhance the control of hill centric state over madhesh. This is the context against which the current Madheshi movement and its demands of republicanism, autonomy, self determination and federalism should be understood. It is false to call the present resistance movement merely as regressive movement. Madhesi movement has brought forth some of the essential traits of Madhesh.

Madhesh because of its land, culture, agricultural economy, and enterprenurship skills has been able to contain all forms of extremism, be it that of the king or of any political ideology. And that is something that provides the best possibilities for success of democracy in Nepal, in case of madhesh is integrated on the basis of equality in the New Nepal. But the prior condition would be that madheshi are given political power on equal basis.

The concept of class struggle or class conflict will not have much appeal for madheshis as long as their nationality is not acknowledged within the new political framework. Madheshis participated in large number in the Maoist movemet not merely due to class appeal but because the movement gave them new hope for emancipation and equality. The large chunk of caders and leaders of Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha and Madheshi Janadhikar Forum have had linkages with Nepal Communist Party (Maoist). Madheshis are not willing to surrender their national struggle for the sake of class interest. It is the call of nationalism which is bringing all madheshis together. A correct approach towards the movement will keep the country intact and pave way for economic development and sustainable democracy. A wrong or biased approach might lead the country towards bloody ethnic conflict.

Sarita Giri

Central Committee Member(Nepal Sadbhawana Party –Anandi Devi)

22nd March, 2007

Sahana Pradhan, Sarita Giri, Chitra Lekha Yadav, Pratibha Rana
सरिता गिरी: अशान्त मधेस, नया नेपाल

Hamro Nepal, ANTA Press Releases On Gaur Incident

Hamro Nepal Press Release: Only A Political Outlet To The Madhesi Movement

ANONYM Audio 03/21/07
Invest 03/19/07
Audio Message 03/03/07

ANONYM: Association Of Nepali Organizations In New York Metro

Hamro Nepal, "world's first digital democracy organization," is deeply saddened by the recent incident in Gaur where a political clash has resulted in more than 25 deaths. This should never have happened, and this should not be allowed to repeat. A thorough investigation has to be conducted, and the guilty have to be brought to justice.

Hamro Nepal is sorry to note that the local police stayed away when they could have engaged in crowd control. This is reflective of the weak law and order situation the country faces as it tries to navigate its way to the constituent assembly. This can not be allowed to continue if we are to envision a free and fair election to the proposed constituent assembly. The worst case fallout from this could be a civil war, Sri Lanka style, and we have to openly talk about it if only to make sure we muster all the political strength, skill, magnanimity, and maturity that we can to prevent any such possibility. The Nepali people, Pahadi or Madhesi, deserve better than ethnic violence, let alone a civil war.

It was a political mistake on the part of the Maoists to try to organize a mass meeting at the same place and same time as that of the Madhesi People's Rights Forum. That was the third attempt on the part of the Maoists after Bhairahawa and Nepalgunj to disrupt a MPRF mass meeting. That shows a lack of respect for the basics of multi-party democracy among the Maoists. The Maoist leadership has to take note, and it needs to train its cadres so as to make sure cadres of all parties can engage in political activities in all villages and all towns across the country. Without that constituent assembly elections can not be imagined.

The Maoists must also transform themselves completely into a political party before elections can be imagined. Political parties do not engage in law enforcement work. Political parties do not run the traffic. All extortions, abductions, and threat of use of force have to come to a halt all across the country. Seized property has to be returned, although that is no argument against drastic land reform, which must be carried out by a duly elected government, if need be.

The interim parliament must also pass a law that makes it mandatory for all parties to make public their book keeping. If the Maoists are substantially richer than all the other parties put together, that also is going to distort the ground reality and free and fair elections can not be imagined.

The MPRF is a nonviolent political organization. And we urge the organization to continue to be so. We urge the MPRF leadership to train its local cadres to never give in to any temptation to random acts of violence, arson, and hooliganism in general. You hurt the cause when you engage in violence, however unplanned, however isolated.

There is some speculation Indian criminals hired by regressive elements might have been behind the methodical killings. A thorough investigation must get to the bottom of the truth.

The primary onus though rests on the political leadership of the eight parties.

The need of the hour in the country is to hold at the earliest free and fair elections to a constituent assembly that will "look" like Nepal as much as possible in terms of its ethnic and gender composition, and we have to get there without ditching the basic one person one vote mechanism that is democracy. All the knotty, difficult, challenging issues are to be solved inside that assembly through debate, dialogue and voting.

The eight parties have to accept the three basic demands of the Madhesi, Janajati, Dalit Movement so as to clear up the road for the journey to the constituent assembly elections.

1. Home Minister resign to take moral responsibility for the 38 deaths during the Madhesi Movement.
2. Form probe commission that will report on the 21 day long Madhesi Movement.
   
3. Hold proportional elections to the constituent assembly.
   

Hamro Nepal urges the Nepali diaspora to get behind these three basic demands so we can all then head on to holding free and fair elections to a constituent assembly. The Gaur tragedy should bring to focus the specific political action we can take so as to avoid taking the country down a downslide.

Paramendra Bhagat
President, Hamro Nepal

Om Gurung
Gaur: Prachanda's Reichstag Fire?
Gaur: The Madhesi Gongabu
PM, Defense, Finance: Congress, DPM, Home: UML, DPM: Maoist
Magar Event
Mainstreaming Maoist Tendencies In The Madhesh

In The News

Uneasy Calm in Gaur After Wednesday's Bloodbath Himalayan Times Over three hundred locals of Gaur left for bordering villages of India since Wednesday ...... The bazaars remained closed while only few rickshaws, motorcycles and bicycles were seen plying. The government offices and academic institutions also remained shut. The final examinations of the schools in the district have not been conducted since past three days. Vehicular movement on Chandranigahapur-Gaur road section has come to complete halt from past three days .... Altogether 28 persons were killed and over 40 injured in the clash that occurred in Gaur on Wednesday. The Maoists have taken all the bodies to the capital claiming that they were all Maoist cadres. ..... the bodies will be cremated at Pashupati Aryaghat after a rally ...... Meanwhile, an armed group looted cash and goods worth of over Rs 4 lakhs from the houses at Baleri of Bishrampur VDC that lies along the border of Gaur last night, the DPO said. The Gaur residents have become more terrified after the incident. A Local, Govinda Dhital sustained bullet injuries, during retaliation against the looters
Maoists protest in Kathmandu against Gaur killings Zee News, India
UNMIN, US Ask Govt Not to Spare Perpetrators of Gaur Killings Himalayan Times, Nepal

MPRF expresses sorrow over Gaur incident Kantipur the MPRF has urged the government to begin a fair investigation into the incident. The MPRF said that the government in co-ordination with the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights should form a high level committee to probe into the incident and demanded that after a thorough investigation, action should be taken against the guilty ........... Rastriya Janashakti Party accused the eight parties of not paying proper attention to the problems of the Madhesis, Janjatis and other ethnic communities and added such an incident has taken place as a result of indifference. .... Maoist-aligned Madhesi Rastriya Mukti Morcha (MRMM), which was directly involved in the clash with the MPRF, condemned the incident and demanded stern against the forum.
Don't mistake our leniency for weakness, caution Maoist lawmakers
US condemns Gaur massacre
Gaur carnage exposed lack of effective policing: UNMIN exposed the lack of effective policing in many parts of the country
OHCHR saddened by Gaur killings
Maoists hold memorial service for Gaur clash victims
Interim Legislature to form six committees today
Fear rife in Rautahat; PLA troops continue to desert Chitwan camp Although two days have passed since the deadly shootout ..... activity in Gaur is minimal, with only a few shops staying open. ..... The locals, still terrified after the incident, remain reluctant to venture out of their houses. ...... Vehicular movement in the streets is almost nil while private schools are shut down in Gaur.
Defer polls through eight-party accord: Deuba given the absence of a fear-free environment to hold the polls at present. ..... the government to must also focus its attention on how to address the demand raised by the Madheshi community and others.
गौर सुनसान भयभीत र्सवर् साधारण घर बाहिर निस्कन डराएका थिए । .... माओवादी कार्यकर्ता अशोकले गृहमन्त्रीलगायतको टोलीसमक्ष भिडन्तका बेला प्रहरीले सहयोग नगरेको गुनासो गरेका थिए । आक्रमणबाट बच्न प्रहरीको शरणमा गएका बेला उल्टै प्रहरीले फोरमतर्फधकेलिदिएको आरोप उनले लगाए । ...... माओवादी आफैंले हेलिकोप्टर चार्टर गरी ती शव ल्याइएका हुन् । शव महाराजगन्जस्थित शिक्षण अस्तालमा राखिएका छन् । ...... मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चाका महासचिव प्रभु साहले २१ जनालाई फोरम कार्यकर्ताले समातेर हत्या गरेको र छतछतबाट समेत गोली हानेको दाबी गरेका छन् । उनले आफ्नो तर्फाट गोली नचलेको पनि दाबी गरे । मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमका जिल्ला अध्यक्ष अमर यादवले आफ्ना केन्द्रीय नेताहरूलाई सभामै हत्या गर्ने माओवादी षड्यन्त्र रहेकाले प्रतिकार गरिएको दाबी गरे । ........ घटनाका बेला प्रमुख जिल्ला अधिकारी माधव ओझा प्रहरीस“ग समन्वयसमेत नगरी सेनाको ब्यारेकमा बसेका थिए । कफर््र्यु लगाउन प्रमुख जिल्ला अधिकारीको लिखित आदेश प्राप्त गर्न नसकी प्रहरी आफैंले निर्ण्र्ाागरी माइकिङ गर्न हि“डेको थियो । ..... फोरमकै आन्दोलनका क्रममा केही अघि तोडफोड र आगजनी भएको आफ्नो कार्यालय स्थापना नगरी प्रजिअ ओझाले निवासबाट कामकाज गर्दै आएका छन् ।
ँफोरममाथि प्रतिबन्ध लगाउनर्ुपर्छ’
घाइतेहरूको टाउकोमा गम्भीर चोट
माओवादीका थारु नेता अपहरित
रौतहटमा मृत्यु भएकाहरू संजोग -दांग), प्रभा तामाङ -मकवानपुर), संजु, अर्जुन-गोर्खा), रामविश्वास यादव -रौतहट) लफ्फा -मकवानपुर), राजनपोखरेल-मकवानपुर), गोविन्द अधिकारी-मकवानपुर), उषा थापा -बारा), सरस्वती उपे्रती -रौतहट), प्रतिमा परियार -रौतहट) छोटेलाल साह -रौतहट), नागेश्वर उपाध्याय -रौतहट), रामाकान्त चौधरी -रौतहट), चुन्नु -रौतहट) प्रवीण अन्सारी -रौतहट), प्रतिमा खातुन -रौतहट), देवेन्द्र अधिकारी -रौतहट) ..... शवको प्रकृति हर्ेदा अधिकांशलाई नियन्त्रणमा लिएर अमानवीय तवरले हत्या गरिएको पाइएको छ । हत्या गरिएका मध्ये तीन महिलालाई जलाएर मारिएको जिल्ला प्रहरी कार्यालयले जनाएको छ । मारिएकामध्ये पन्ध्रको शव करिब पा“च किलो मिटर टाढा प्रहरीले भेटेको थियो । मारिनेको संख्या बढ्नसक्ने माओवादीले जनाएको छ । ....... ढुंगानाले भने- 'मधेसमा केही महिनाअघि भएका दर्जनौं हत्याका घटनापछि हिजोको रौतहटमा भएको दर्ुइ दर्जनभन्दा बढीको हत्याले मुलुकभरका जनतालाई भयभित तथा त्रसित बनाएको छ ।'

Maoists dismiss govt’s probe committee; memorial service organised for Gaur victims NepalNews Bhattarai said and warned that the Maoists “will be compelled to punish the perpetrators of Gaur massacre if the government fails to bring them to justice”. He also claimed that royal reactionaries and foreign elements were behind the Gaur killings.
Seal the border, says Mahara; Maoists stop House session Charging that the elements from across the border were used to carry out the Gaur carnage ..... "Seal the border. Form joint investigation team of eight parties. Declare all those killed as martyrs"
EU asks Maoists to walk the talk; wants to see interim govt formed soon
Cabinet forms panel to probe Gaur bloodshed
US Embassy condemns Gaur violence; urges law and order
Army chief briefs PM over security situation
Rights activists reveal shocking details of Gaur attack
Debate on federalism kicks off
Maoists' Tharu leader abducted

After bloodbath, looters spread terror in Terai India eNews.com, India Even before mourning for the 28 people killed in clashes in Nepal's Terai plains died down, fresh gunfire and terror erupted in the same afflicted district once again early Friday, injuring at least one. ....the bandits looted at least 16 houses at gunpoint ..... The government's inability to bring to book the Maoists responsible for the first killings in the plains in Lahan town in January has fuelled the unrest and jeopardised the upcoming elections, Koirala said. ...... though a considerable number of law enforcement personnel were present in the area Wednesday, only a small number were deployed to the scene of the incidents.

Prachanda a nouveau dictator Nepal... Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal the Maoists are trying to disrupt the peaceful protest programs organized by the Forum and also have a plan to kill their leaders. ... “We are ready to solve the problems through dialogue”, Sita Nandan Rai- an ex-UML leader ..... valley incharge Upendra Kumar Jha said that the Maoists equipped with modern weaponries were the first to fire at a peaceful program organized by the Forum in Gaur. .... Prachanda is no more than a dictator so his outburst against us is understandable. ..... the Maoists cadres exploding bombs and firing bullets had arrived in the venue disrupting the MJF program that was planned a week before.
Nepal King s Coronation set... Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal King Gyanendra appears to be in a mood to organize “coronation ceremony” for himself. ..... The dates for the coronation ceremony to take place have tentatively been set around by the Pundits and astrologers for the second week of the first month of the next Nepali year-Baisakh 14- which corresponds to April 27, 2007

Rights activists reveal shocking details of Gaur attack NepalNews murderers raped five women and cut off their breasts before killing them. Over one dozen persons were chased five to eight kilometers before they were killed. .... organised criminal gang must have been involved in the attack. "Looking at the grisly manner of killing, one cannot imagine that any political organisation can engage in such act ..... those who were killed have been found to have sustained grave wounds in their heads. Bamboo sticks and spears have been used repeatedly to smash their heads ..... Dr. Mathura Prasad Shrestha, Dr. Arjun Karki, Dr. Gauri Shankar Lal Das, Padma Ratna Tuladhar, Daman Nath Dhungana, Subodh Pyakurel, Gauri Pradhan, Bishnu Pukar Shrestha and Bimal Chandra Sharma
Maoists' Tharu leader abducted Laxman Tharu aka Roshan who had last week rebelled from the Maoist party and vowed to float a separate front to carry forward causes of Tharu community and who had dramatically announced return to the Maoist fold a few days ago, has been abducted ...... a group calling itself TM Don Group has claimed the responsibility for his abduction ..... demanded Rs 1 million ransom within five days to release him. .... Maoist leaders have suspected hand of reactionary conspirators in his abduction
Government to take action against guilty of Gaur incident: Sitaula locals of Rautahat were confined to their houses even after the local administration lifted curfew from 3 pm .... All shops and educational institutions in the area remained shut.
SC forms committee to study model of court in federal structure
Nepalnews page views cross 100 million Nepalnews' unique page views hit the 100 million mark on Monday (March 19), starting from 20th November 2000. This figure does not include the hits between August 1998, when the news portal was actually launched, and 19th of November 2000. .... in the days to come with emphasis on video and audio

Gaur massacre has shocked world: Martin Himalayan Times “A credible election would require not only the management of arms and armies, and the right laws and technical preparations: It requires a climate in which all political parties can campaign freely in all places, and all voters can vote free of any intimidation or fear of reprisal” ..... “The Young Communist League must be a peaceful political organisation and must not engage in purported law enforcement.”
A royalist plot, says Prachanda Prachanda also rapped the local administration for being a “mute spectator” even though the massacre took place for hours within the secured district headquarters. He claimed that the MJF used sophisticated wea-pons
Leaders Demand Sitaula's Resignation Over Gaur Incident the incident would not have happened if the administration had taken necessary precaution, when it was obvious that there would be conflict between the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum and the Maoists, because both of them were planning to organise mass meetings in the same venue on the same time. ...... CPN-UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari ..... Nepali Congress (NC) leader Arjun Narsingh KC held both the government and the Maoists responsible for the Rautahat incident. Saying that the Maoists are still involved in undemocratic activities ........ UML leader Raghu Bir Mahaset termed the Rautahat incident as a result of the government "weakness". ..... C P Mainali of the United Left Front said the episode was well-planned and it indicated of a "dangerous game plan."

Om Gurung

'We ought to keep our integrity intact'

Dr Om Gurung, who heads the Napal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NFIN), is an assistant professor of Central Department of Anthropology, Tribhuwan University. Dr Gurung holds PhD degree from Cornell University and loves to call himself a social activist, rather than assistant professor of TU. NFIN has begun to stage a peaceful protest since Saturday to exert pressure on the government for granting autonomy on the bases of language, ethnicity and geography. He says that this protest should not affect the holding of constituent assembly polls.

Dr Gurung spoke with Puran P Bista of The Kathmandu Post, shedding light on how the state should be restructured and ethnic groups and subgroups be empowered in this country.
Excerpts:

Q: Why has your organization been fighting for ethnic rights when the interim parliament has recently been amended to federalize the country?

Dr Om Gurung: In the current political process, we have given priority to ethnic rights. The rationale is that in the last 238-year long history, the rights of the ethnic groups have been denied by the state. The state never tried to address the problems of the ethnic groups. For example, tribes such as Tharu, Magar, Gurung, Rai, etc are the indigenous people but their stakes in state administration, judiciary and armed forces, as per the population, have been minimum. They have been suppressed, oppressed and marginalized. The state has limited their growth because of the denial of the socio-economic and political rights. The state continues to exclude them from all kinds of state welfare schemes. The state benefits directly go into the pockets of those who are in power. And I think you know who are benefiting from such state-run programs.

The ethnic groups became poorer. Their languages have been pushed toward extinction. The indigenous groups have endured the state suppression for long. We can no longer tolerate such practices. We want our rights to be guaranteed in the constitution to be drafted after the constituent assembly polls. The first thing is, the state must acknowledge this fact and restructure it to ensure the rights of indigenous communities. To do so, we must have stakes in all the decision-making bodies. In other words, our representation must be granted on the basis of population.

And we have adopted a peaceful means to exert pressure on the government.

Q: Could you be more specific on your demands?

Dr Gurung: The reality is that the state has failed to accommodate us and recognize our languages, culture and tradition. This is very clear. So long as the current policy of exclusion or discrimination lasts, the indigenous communities will continue to suffer. We think that the three aspects should be taken into account before we restructure the state: Language, communities and geography. Distinct communities settled in particular geographical areas have distinct languages. The state should be restructured on these bases. The theoretical objective is to have provisions of self-determination. We have been claiming “along with the provision of self-determination”, which means that an ethnic community does not enjoy the right to determine the fate of the area it dominates. There are differences between the “along with self-determination and the provision of self-determination”.

Q: What are the differences between “the along with self-determination and self-determination”.

Dr Durung: If we say the provision of self-determination, it can go to the extent of having a separate state. “Along with self-determination” means the autonomy granted to a unit that does not enjoy the right to be a separate state.

Q: Does your version of self-determination mean that any ethnic group enjoys no right to hold plebiscite on whether or not a unit can be part of Nepal?

Dr Gurung: “Along with self-determination” cannot be equated with the demand made by the Sri Lankan Tamils who have been fighting for a separate Tamil state. “Along with self-determination” means a separate geographical unit within the country. We have to take into account the country's integrity and social structure before restructuring it. We have stayed together for so long. Now, we cannot demand for a separate state. Secondly, if we look at the geo-political situation, it is very fragile. Our country has been wedged between two Asian giant countries—China and India. We have to learn from them and live together. If we demand separate states, there are chances of swallowing these states by either of these two Asian giants. So, we have to be careful and should not let the separatist groups have upper hands in deciding the fate of this country. We do need self-determination but not to the extent of granting the ethnic groups to opt for a separate state. It is impossible to think so both in theory and practice.

Q: But one of the demands made by Madhesi People's Rights Forum and Terai Janatrantric Mukti Morka is of provision for self-determination. Don't you think so?

Dr Gurung: We, too, have demanded self-determination. But it is absolutely different from that of MPRF or TJMM. We differ on this count with MPRF. MPRF wants a separate terai state stretching from Jhapa to Kanchanpur, where over a dozen ethnic communities are living. They speak different languages, practice different cultures and traditions. We never let terai be in the hands of a few feudal lords who want to rule the weak and poor.

A few groups want self-determination for a separate state. We have to grant autonomy on the basis of language, community and geography. It empowers every community and provides an opportunity to develop this country.

Q: That means the country does not need to be federalized. There are other political mechanisms as well, to empower the indigenous communities.

Dr Gurung: No, we are very much for federalism. The structure of the country should be federal.

Q: What kind of federalism you think will be suitable to this country? Do you see India as the best example?

Dr Gurung: Again, we define it on the basis of how we draw provisions for self-determination. We are not looking for a union sort of federalism as the Soviet Union had, nor a confederation. Grant autonomy to the unit and empower the local people. We need a loose and indivisible federal structure, where our sovereignty is kept intact.

Q: Don't you think that we got to look into the economic aspect as well, while federalizing this country? Is it possible to grant your kind of self- determination to 90 ethnic communities?

Dr Gurung: It should be based on ethnicity. The separate regions are dominated by separate ethnic communities. For example, Solukhumbu is dominated by Sherpas. If you visit Manang, you find Manages. In terai, Maithelis, Bhojpuris, Awadis, Tharus etc speak different languages. So, if it is possible to grant autonomy on the basis of language, then let us do so. But take for granted that it is not applicable to all parts of the country. Terai cannot be made a single unit citing Hindi as a binding language. We can grant autonomy to western and far-western regions on the basis of geography. Whether you call it Karnali Pradesh or Western Pradesh, we have to make it a separate unit on the basis of region rather than language. The rest can be split into different units on the basis of ethnicity. For example, Gandagi Pradesh is dominated by Gurungs, it should be made a separate unit. Similarly, let us have Magarat Pradesh for Magars.

Q: Economically, the curving of such Pradesh may not be possible as some of them, you just mentioned, lack adequate resource for sustaining themselves as separate units of this country.

Dr Gurung: Yes, we have to see into economic aspect as well. But how are you going to protect language, preserve culture and practice tradition? Many units could sustain and revenues generated by some of the units should be allocated to the weaker units.

Q: You have discussed on three aspects—language, ethnicity and geography. Granting autonomy or self-determination on these aspects may lead to ethnic cleansing as there would be several minorities living within each unit, and they may face the same sort of exclusion.

Dr Gurung: All forms of exploitation should not be based on ethnicity. Let us say that there are several subgroups within the group. The majority represents the unit but the minorities should also find space in decision-making bodies.

Q: How is it possible?

Dr Gurung: We have to make special arrangements for the subgroups to ensure that they find voice in all decision-making bodies.

Q: You mean introducing a reservation system as India has done so?

Dr Gurung: Yes, we can go for that. And let us not take only the backward and poor communities. Within the unit, there could be other communities as well, provided they fall in the category of minority groups. So, there is no question of ethnic cleansing. We must accommodate all the communities into the unit to address common problems. We cannot deny the basic rights and displace them simply because they happen to be subgroups living in a particular region.

Q: Such ethnic cleansing may not take place in Limbuwan, Khumbuwan or Gandak region. Can you rule out such possibility in other parts of the country?

Dr Gurung: I have a special reservation. I call it an ethnic violence. We have to dissociate from such ethnic division and those who promote violence. What is happening in terai is dangerous. It is gradually taking a shape of ethnic violence whatsoever the leaders of terai claim it.

Q: Why do you support MPRF then?

Dr Gurung: We have supported on certain issues only. The state exploited the Madhesi community. It suppressed the rights of the Madhesis for long. We support the organization that is genuinely fighting for the political rights. We have been unable to reach an understanding with MPRF because of this reason. First, MPRF talks of federal structure but on the basis of geography only. They want to have three federal units—terai, hills and mountains. How can the entire terai be a single unit only? At the most, they can compromise on a vertical division of the country into 14 zones and 54 districts only. We do not agree with such political agenda. Don't take that Madhesis alone are in terai. Second, our interpretation of Madhes is different from that of Madhesis. We want to know where Madhes is. We indigenous communities think that Madhesis are there in this country but there is no land called Madhes in Nepal. These Madhesis have come from Madhyadesh. It is a place between India's Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. So, we call them Madhesis. The rulers of this country brought them into Nepal. Now they are demanding a separate Madhes.

The third thing is that the Madhesis want the entire terai to be a separate state. There are several ethnic communities living in terai. MPRF must acknowledge this fact and seek our cooperation. Otherwise, we are not going to back the movement, no matter what they claim and demand.

MPRF talks of proportional representation of total terai. We have told them that proportional representation should be based on the population of ethnic communities. The intention of MPRF is to deny the rights of Tharus, Rajbansi, Shanthal and other minority groups living in terai. It will be dominated by Yadavs, Jhas, Shahs, Mishras, etc who have been wielding power.

Gaur: Prachanda's Reichstag Fire?

Reichstag fire - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The Reichstag Fire allowed Hitler to accelerate the banning of the Communist Party and was used to confirm Nazi claims of a pending Communist revolution.
The Rise of Hitler - Feb. 27, 1933 The Reichstag Burns Adolf Hitler, the new Chancellor of Germany, had no intention of abiding by the rules of democracy. He intended only to use those rules to legally establish himself as dictator as quickly as possible then begin the Nazi revolution. .... Hitler's storm troopers were about to reach new heights of power of their own and begin a reign of terror that would last as long as the Reich. ..... President Hindenburg had fallen under Hitler's spell and was signing just about anything put in front of him. ..... He also ordered the police not to interfere with the SA and SS under any circumstances. This meant that anybody being harassed, beaten, or even murdered by Nazis, had nobody to turn to for help. ....... Göring set up an auxiliary police force of 50,000 men, composed mostly of members of the SA and SS. The vulgar, brawling, murderous Nazi storm troopers now had the power of police. ....... Göring and Goebbels, with Hitler's approval, then hatched a plan to cause panic by burning the Reichstag building and blaming the Communists. The Reichstag was the building in Berlin where the elected members of the republic met to conduct the daily business of government. ...... the elderly Hindenburg ..... "You are now witnessing the beginning of a great epoch in German history...This fire is the beginning," Hitler told a news reporter at the scene. ...... Chancellor Hitler demanded an emergency decree to overcome the crisis. He met little resistance from his largely non-Nazi cabinet. That evening, Hitler and Papen went to Hindenburg and the befuddled old man signed the decree "for the Protection of the people and the State." ....... truckloads of SA and SS roared through the streets ...... The Nazis now turned their attention to election day, March 5. ...... "The sacrifice we ask is easier to bear if you realize that the elections will certainly be the last for the next ten years, probably for the next hundred years," Göring told them. ...... With no money problems and the power of the State behind them, the Nazis campaigned furiously to get Hitler the majority he wanted. ..... On March 5, the last free elections were held. But the people denied Hitler his majority, giving the Nazis only 44 per cent of the total vote ...... the lack of the necessary two thirds majority in the Reichstag was an obstacle. For Hitler and his ruthless inner circle, it was obstacle that was soon to be overcome.
How Hitler Became a Dictator Hitler and his fellow members of the National Socialist (Nazi) Party, who were determined to bring down the republic and establish dictatorial rule in Germany, did everything they could to create chaos in the streets, including initiating political violence and murder. ...... The July 31, 1932, election produced a major victory for Hitler’s National Socialist Party. The party won 230 seats in the Reichstag, making it Germany’s largest political party, but it still fell short of a majority in the 608-member body. ...... intolerant, noisy and undisciplined. .... during extreme national emergencies, people are most scared and thus much more willing to surrender their liberties in return for “security.” And that’s exactly what happened during the Reichstag terrorist crisis. ....... the average non-Jewish German was pretty much unaffected by the new laws and decrees ....... The Nazi terror in the early years affected the lives of relatively few Germans and a newly arrived observer was somewhat surprised to see that the people of this country did not seem to feel that they were being cowed.
Sounds and Images of Adolf Hitler
BBC - History - Audio: Hitler and the Jews

Look at how Prachanda has reacted. The 28 dead bodies are to be taken to Kathmandu. And the Maoists have announced they will launch the "third" people's movement. Prachanda has asked that the MPRF be banned.

The parallels are too many. I am not suggesting Prachanda is Hitler, but what I am saying is his dictatorial tendencies have not subsided. A man who used to take pride in the words "I hate revisionism, I seriously hate revisionism" might not have intentions to transfrom after all. Let's face it, this guy wanted to dedicate his life to the establishment of a one party communist dictatorship. But we started doing business with him because we thought he has had a change of heart, and he has accepted the basics of multi-party democracy. 30,000 Maoist soldiers have enteted UN cantonments with 3,000 guns. And that sure is progress.

But the alarming signs are too many. As a Madhesi I have expressed my moral support to the MPRF's civil rights movement for Madhesi equality. But I have also consistently stated that this movement that has now grown to become a Madhesi Janajati Dalit Movement is the last stand by the masses against the Maoist menace. The democrats need to stop seeing the Maoists as their ally and start seeing the Madhesi Janajati Dalit Movement as their true ally.

Hitler saw the German Communist Party as his primary roadblock to power. Prachanda sees the MPRF, and the Madhesi Janajati Dalit Movement as the roadblock to his party becoming the largest in the constituent assembly. Hitler wanted to ban the communist party. Prachanda wants the MPRF banned. Those are dictatorial tendencies.

Hitler used the fire as a pretext to make a final push for total power. Prachanda is using Gaur as a pretext to launch the "third" movement. These are warning signs.

You hear regular news of Maoists' mass meetings. You don't hear news of Congress or UML mass meetings.

The Congress and UML workers have not exactly gone back to their homes. Unless cadres of all parties can freely work and campaign in all villages, all towns, is it possible to have free and fair elections to a constituent assembly?

Most of the Maoist guns might have been put away. But is it not more about the ideology, the culture inside the party? Small groups of organized Maoists without weapons who are willing to beat people up are as capable to maintaining the climate of fear in the country as are armed ones. And that is precisely what has been happening. The Maoist party has not transformed, people, wake up. You have little time.

Hitler had limitless money on his way to power. Noone knows how much money the Maoists have. They obviously act like they have more money than all other parties put together. They are the only ones conducting mass meeting after mass meeting after mass meeting.

At this point holding elections to the constituent assembly is akin to rubberstamping the dictatorial ways of the Maoists. They don't even have to gain a majority. All they have to do is become the largest party, and then how do you stop them? You can't stop them now. They work side by side with the police now. Wait until they command the Home Ministry all on their own.

I have been a strong proponent of peace talks with the Maoists. And I do think it is a huge achievement that the civil war has ended.

But now I am a strong proponent of an exhibition of strength by the democrats, political strength. We have to stop acting like we owe the Maoists an electoral victory, that if we don't allow them to emerge the largest party by hook or crook, they will go back to the jungle, and then what? We have to make it absolutely clear the only way we will accept them is as a political party. And we have to take a strong stand. We have to draw a line in the sand.

The abductions, extortions and beatings continue. Ceased property has not been returned. How have the Maoists changed? Prachanda is not accepting Girija's leadership, he is using the old man. Krishna Sitaula is not a peacemaker, he is an appeaser who lets the Maoists act like they were a parallel police force.

The Madhesi Janajati Dalit Movement is a friend of the democrats, it is not the Maoists. The sooner they realize that, the better. The Madhesi Janajati Dalit Movement is the final stand by the masses against the Maoist menace.

Vague calls for dialogue and peace are not helping. We have to get specific. The democrats have to agree to the three basic demands of the Madhesi Janajati Dalit Movement, and then form a federal republic electoral alliance against the Maoists for the constituent assembly elections.

1. Home Minister resign.
2. Form probe commission.
3. Hold proportional elections to the constituent assembly.

Gaur: The Madhesi Gongabu
PM, Defense, Finance: Congress, DPM, Home: UML, DPM: Maoist
Magar Event
Mainstreaming Maoist Tendencies In The Madhesh
Lawoti: Ethnic Or Administrative Federalism
Mainstreaming The Maoists: Various Scenarios
Madhesi, Janajati, Business Community
Three Parties: Congress, Communist, Sadbhavana
ANONYM: Association Of Nepali Organizations In New York Metro
Joint Movement
What Girija Could Have Done
Empowering Nepalis In New York City
Dipendra Jha: The Real Picture Of The Madhesi Movement
No Guns, Explosives, Weapons Outside Cantonments
MPRF: A Few Scenarios
It Is Tough For The Madhesi
Upendra Yadav: Madhesi Martin Luther King
New MJF Strategy: Hit The State, Not The People
Krishna Sitaula: Appeaser, Not Peacemaker
A Federal Republic Electoral Alliance Against The Maoists Needed
Sadist Koirala, Kans Sitaula, Pol Pot Prachanda
Further Compromise: Mixed Election With Reservations
5 Point Demand: Compromise Formula So Elections Can Be Held In June
MJF And NEFIN Must Become Political Parties
The Economist: Nepal's Ethnic Politics: The New Battlefront

Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal,USA

Press Release
22nd March, 2007

New York

Alliance for Democracy & Human Rights in Nepal (ADHRN), USA is deeply saddened by the recent loss of 28 lives in a violent clash between Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF) and the Maoist-aligned Madhesi Rashtriya Mukti Morcha in Gaur, Rautahat. As Nepal is making slow and difficult strides towards achieving greater democracy and stability, such incidents can only have obvious detrimental effects on the process.

ADHRN, in the strongest possible terms, reiterates the sheer unconstructiveness of violence in settling any disputes among any groups. Nepal has experienced enough share of violence in the past years, and this cycle of violence must end if we are to move forward.

As the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is on the verge of entering the government, they must renounce, in totality, the culture of violence, intimidation and extortions. Similarly, any other groups aspiring to fulfill their genuine concerns must also proceed with utmost reliance on peaceful protests.

ADHRN also urges the current government, and the members of the civil society, to deviate from the tradition of playing blame games, take responsibility, and make sincere efforts towards addressing the genuine concerns of every Nepali citizen in creating a just a equitable society. Genuine peace can only be achieved by addressing the real concerns of the people with utmost sincerity.

At this hour of great uncertainty, we urge all sides to resort to maximum restraint, so as to ensure that the cycle of violence is ended, and that the road to further chaos is timely and decisively terminated.

ADHRN also take this opportunity to express our heartfelt condolences to the families of the victims.

Sanjaya Parajuli

President

ADHRN

www.alliancenepal.org