Tuesday, November 29, 2005

Lilamani Pokharel For Continuous Movement


I just got off the phone with Lilamani Pokharel. I must be getting a reputation among these seven party top dogs.

This was the first time I ever talked to Pokharel. He has the reputation of being an intellectual. He lived upto it. I mean, these are people I have been meeting in the newspapers for a long time now. And now I am working with them.

My first curiosity with him was to do with the 12 point agreement between the Maoists and the seven parties that is the talk of the town. (Prachanda Statement) I told him I saw two points of contradiction. One was that the seven parties were for House revival, and the Maoists were not. Another was that the document envisions there still being two standing armies in the country when the country goes through a constituent assembly.

He said this document was only the first step. The dialogue will go on. The understanding will be further polished. He said even on the House revival issue the Maoists were okay with the fact that we might have two different starting points as long as the end goal is a constituent assembly.

This is early stage work, he emphasized. He said it was historic that all the political forces in the country had come around to the idea of bringing an autocratic monarchy to an end. Another was that the Maoists had formally come around to the idea of peaceful contests with the other parties.

The separate tracks to a constituent assembly are not a matter of contention between the parties and the Maoists, he said. He said the biggest reason for the House revival stand was to make sure there was no constitutional vacuum when the country goes to a constituent assembly.

I honed in on this House revival issue. He confirmed my suspicions that the House issue was the pet agenda of the Nepali Congress. The other six parties are not insistent upon the idea. But all are behind it for the sake of seven party unity.

On the other hand, he said, there is a growing feeling among the seven parties that reviving the House can play into the hands of the Monarchists and those who are totally opposed to the idea of a new constitution for the country. A revived House might end up being a boon for the king, he said.

His party, the People's Front, has been for an interim government and a constituent assembly for four years now, he said. The Nepali Congress is for House revival. The UML is for an all party government. The People's Front is for an interim government. The latter two are legitimate departure points. But despite the differences the seven parties are united behind the House revival idea.

Then he uttered a sweet phrase: continuous movement. As opposed to a casual movement. I asked him to define the concept, to elaborate upon it. He talked of a total embargo of the state machinery, of bringing it to a total standstill. There would be a total mobilization. It would be a daily movement, not just a movement where you show up one afternoon a week for a mass meeting.

I strongly feel the seven parties need to come around to this idea. Only such a movement will unseat this regime. Ladies and gentlemen, meet Gyanendra.

I asked why the UML and the Congress have been holding separate mass meetings. Is that a show of disunity among the seven parties? He said that was not the case. This was early stage, and they needed to do that to mobilize their cadres. But come December 10, all seven parties were going to go ahead together. Then the movement will really take off.

I asked about the February 8 elections. He said the agreement was to actively work against it. I asked if this regime can be brought down before February. He said an attempt can be made, but it would be unwise to have a deadline. He said the leaders were fully aware the king is trying to legitimize his illegitimate rule through these elections, and he is also trying to say to the world he is for democracy after all.

I asked him how the Nepali diaspora could contribute. He said you do that primarily by shaping world opinion. Spread the word. Foreign aid has to be stopped to shake this regime. Economic sanctions have to be looked into.

Then he uttered another sweet phrase. He mentioned moral as well as logistical support was needed. I have been in disagreement with those who think only moral support is needed. I informed him of the efforts already underway at this end. I suggested we build a formal structure between the seven parties and the diaspora efforts to raise funds. He said he will get to it right away. It has to be a seven party thing.

He said the seven parties are helping the Maoists shed the terrorist tag. That is a major achievement.

Then I inquired upon his personal health because I had read in the news reports after he got arrested after 2/1 that he was having issues. He said working on his health and working on the movement had to go together.

Phone Talk With Madhav Nepal, Hridayesh Tripathy
Prachanda Audio Interview, A First

The 12 Point Agreement Succeeds The 4 Point Program




Audio Video
Logistics To Bring Down The Regime
Madhesi
Dinesh Wagle, 7 Leaders, 27 Questions
Roadmap
The Endgame
3 Scenarios
Gameplan

After the 12 point agreement became public, Moriarty went to meet Madhav Nepal in person. He wanted to know if the Maoists say one thing when talking to the parties and another when talking among themselves. That is a valid concern, and I am glad at least someone is asking such questions. What do I think? I don't think that is happening. It is not that the Maoists are hiding things. It is more that we have not been paying enough attention to all they have been saying. So even the misgivings I have now I get them from statements the two top Maoists have made recently and stand by them.

This 12 point agreement has to be seen as a milestone. This agreement succeeds the 4 point program of the seven parties. But this is not the final agreement. A lot of homework remains doing. (Phone Talk With Madhav Nepal, Hridayesh Tripathy)

Too many people though do not realize how historic this agreement really is. For the Maoists to take a leap from the goal of a communist republic to that of a democratic republic is huge. As early as this year, Baburam Bhattarai ran afoul of his party's leadership when he suggested the party shoud perhaps move towards the goal of a democratic republic. He was sent into "protective custody" for "purification." I think it is remarkable that the Maoists have healed that rift in such a creative way and come forth to where they are today.

Baburam: Prachanda's Best Bet, Litmust Test, And Only Option
To: Prachanda, Baburam, Mahara, Badal And The Rest Of The Maoist Leadership

There is a major difference between an armed group fighting for a democratic republic, and one fighting for a communist republic. There is a huge difference. But then the Maoists have also taken anothe huge leap. They are willing to disarm.

Like it or dislike it, but there is no denying this 12 point agreement is of a huge historic importance. All those who made it possible have to be commended. They have done some very difficult work in some very difficult circumstances.

Another key point is that this is still very much work in progress. This is the first step. There will be several more steps. You have to take into account the backdrop.
  1. The Nepali Congress was for a constituent assembly five decades back. But that was then. This past decade it has been opposed to the idea. Or the insurgency might have seen a positive outlet back in 1999, perhaps.
  2. The seven parties formally came openly for a constituent assembly only after 2/1. The Nepali Congress did not ditch its House revival stance, but it expanded its agenda by accepting the idea of a constituent assembly.
  3. For the first half of this year, the Nepali Congress and the UML were not even willing to touch the Maoists with a barge pole. There was this huge mistrust. Now they are talking.
  4. The UML is officially for a democratic republic. The Nepali Congress is no longer tied to the idea of a constitutional monarchy.
The key point is that progress is being made. You have to commend the progress made so far. That helps. That makes it possible for more progress to be made.

Just like the 4 point program became a 12 point agreement. Now that 12 point agreement perhaps has to be turend into a 10 point agreement. The best thing that could happen is if the Monarchists were to join the conversation. But right now I am not counting on that. The pressure has to be built for that to happen. And if enough pressure is built, there can be a positive resolution even if the king does not budge. (Pyramid Of 10 In Kathmandu)

In the next round of talks, I think the seven parties and the Maoists should both seek to compromise some more. The parties should let go the House revival stand. The Maoists should agree to integrate the two armies before the constituent assembly elections not after.

If the two forces were to take that additional step, then it becomes less important as to what the king does or not.

Prachanda Audio Interview, A First
Baburam Bhattarai Interview
Prachanda Statement

Prachanda:
What we have been saying is after the constituent assembly election results are out, according to those results, the two armies should be integrated, and one unified army has to take shape.

Human society develops through such revolts. Hundreds of thousands have been sacrificed in other circumstances. This can not be measured emotionally, it has to be measured scientifically, factually.

Baburam: The 12 point agreement is a high point of the last 50 years of the democracy struggle in Nepal.

This agreement is a beginning. A greater understanding will be furthered through dialogue down the line.

As far as the House revival stance is concerned, that is from so far back it time, a revived House will create problems more than offer solutions. There are no legal and constitutional options, there only are political and revolutionary solutions left. If the seven parties are honest about going to a constitutional assembly, there are no legal ways to get there. We should instead be looking at an interim constitution and an interim government.

We are committed to accepting the verdict of the constituent assembly.

A People's War is a people's way of getting its rights. If such a war will stay relevant or not depends on how successful the people will be in achieving the rights. After all rights are achieved, the war comes to a halt. It can take shape again down the line in another form if the need might arise. That is the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist line and we are committed to it.

We are committed to a democratic republic framework after the demise of the feudal monarchy and its mercenary army.

Our party has never talked of a one party dictatorship.

The Maoist People's Liberation Army has to be accepted as the legitimate army of the state.

Our attempt is to have a joint revolution.

We are not going to compromise on anything less than a democratic republic.

We launched the revolution with one rifle 10 years back. Today we have seven divisions.

Where we differ with the parties is that we think there will be state repression on peaceful protestors, and when that happens we would want them to pick up arms. Let that be absolutely clear.

This is no longer the time to be talking to the king. Now is the time for a decisive struggle.

There never has been any "peaceful transformation" in world history and there never will be. The old has to be destroyed, the new has to be created. Use of force becomes necessary. This is true for both the physical and the social worlds. The quantitative transformation is peaceful, but the qualitative transformation is always violent. Our cadres are capable of both.
Our party unity has attained new heights.

The 12 point agreement is along the lines of our 40 point demand from 1996.

12 Point Agreement: The agitating seven political parties are fully committed to the plan to reinstate parliament whose decision will lead to the formation of an all-party government, hold talks with the Maoists and go for an election to a constituent assembly...... The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has made the commitment to organise a national political convention of democratic forces. The meet should decide on the formation of an interim government and hold elections for a constituent assembly to achieve the agreed goal.


There has been an understanding on keeping the Maoists’ armed forces and the Royal Nepali Army under the supervision of the United Nations during the elections of the constituent assembly, conduct elections in free and fair manner, and accept the results of the elections—all these after an end of the autocratic monarchy.

Prachanda in 2000: From a practical point of view, the People's War in Nepal is contributing to making and accelerating this new wave of revolution. And it is contributing to the organization of the international communist movement on a Maoist basis. And Maoism should be the commander of this new wave of world revolution. The People's War in Peru has done a good job of establishing Maoism. We also think that the RCP,USA has done a good job, ideologically and politically, to fight against revisionism and establish Maoism. And our party and the People's War in Nepal is also accelerating this process. (RW ONLINE:Red Flag Flying on the Roof of the World)

In The News

Govt. asks Radio Sagarmatha not to re-broadcast BBC NepalNews
UN OHCHR to monitor UML rally
Maoists attack MI-17 Chopper of RNA
Court orders Radio Sagarmatha to resume transmission
Thapa warns government of severe consequences
BBC 103 FM returns to airwaves
CPN-UML warns Govt. of ICC action
Maoists express commitment to multiparty democracy
Issue passport to women without discrimination: SC
Their Majesties inspect Nepali peacekeeping force in Burundi
Banned Nepal station back on air BBC News, UK
Court victory for Nepal's women BBC News, UK
Royalists Not Keen to Resolve Maoist Problem: Nepal NewsLine Nepal, Nepal
Communist Party of Nepal (UML) requests the UN body to monitor the ... United We Blog, Nepal