देशले एउटा अंतिम क्रांति मागेको छ

मधेस ले मात्र होइन देशले नै एउटा अंतिम क्रांति मागेको छ। बाबुराम भट्टराई अगाडि आउनु पर्छ। देश बाबुराम भट्टराई को समयतालिका मा हिड्ने कि बाबुराम देशको समयतालिका मा? देश बाबुराम भट्टराई को समयतालिका मा हिड्ने हो भने बाबुराम ले डेढ़ वर्ष पछि हुने चुनाव पर्खे भो। होइन, यदि बाबुराम देशको समयतालिका मा हिड्ने हो भने समय आज हो। छठ पछि काठमाण्डु क्रांति मा होम्मिनु पर्छ। यो मान्छे ओली ले देशलाई अंधकार युगमा लाने मास्टर प्लान बनाइसक्यो। हात माथि हात राखेर बस्ने बेला होइन यो। देशले एउटा अंतिम क्रांति मागेको छ।

ओली को लिडे ढिपीले विदेश बाट भूकम्प पीड़ित लाई आउने भनेको चार बिलियन डॉलर दिसंबर को अन्त्य मा वापस जान लागेको छ। बाबुराम ले त्यस बारे सोँच्ने कि नसोंचने? गोरखा को मान्छे हो, गोरखा का भूकम्प पीड़ित बारे बाबुराम ले सोंचने कि नसोंचने?

देशमा प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित राष्ट्रपति को व्यवस्था भएको संविधान चाहिएको छ।  जनता को माग हो त्यो। दिने कि नदिने? हिमाल पहाड़ तराई ले समानता चाहेको छ। दिने कि नदिने?

भारतबाट पैसा लिएर नयाँ शक्ति खोलेको होइन : बाबुराम
‘६ वटा उपप्रधानमन्त्री भएको विचित्रको सरकार’

गणतन्त्र नमान्ने कमल थापादेखि संघीयता हुँदैहुँदैन भन्ने चित्रबहादुर केसीसम्म सरकारमा सहभागी भएकाले गणतन्त्र र संघीयता लागु गर्ने कुरामा आशंका ब्यक्त गरे । ...... ‘गणतन्त्र नमान्ने कमल थापा, संघीयता हुँदै हुन्न भन्ने चित्रबहादुर केसी, संघीयता र गणतन्त्रलाई मजाकमा उडाउने केपी ओली र हिजोसम्म ठूलो क्रान्तिको कुरा गर्ने, क्रान्तिका नायकका रुपमा चिनिएका सबैसंग अत्यन्त सहज ढंगले सहवबास गर्ने पुष्पकमल दाहाल लगायतको गठबन्धनको सरकार छ,’ उनले भने, ‘यसले एक थरी मान्छेलाई आकर्षण दिएको हुनुपर्छ, राजाको राष्ट्रवाददेखि बामपन्थीको राष्ट्रवाद समेतको तालमेल एकैं ठाउँमा भएकाले यस्तो शक्ति बलियो भएको भन्दै यसैको पछि लाग्दा केही पाइएला भन्ने आशा धेरैमा हुन सक्छ ।’ ......

‘कुनै मान्छे मोटउँदैमा स्वथ्य भएर मोटाएको हुँदैन, रोगले पनि मोटाएको हुन सक्छ,’

उनले अहिलेको सरकारप्रति ब्यंग्य गर्दै भने, ‘त्यसैले उसको आयु धेरै हुन सक्दैन ।’ ......... ‘हाम्रो आन्तरिक मामिला आफैं हल गरौं, हिमाल पहाड र तराईलाइ मिलाऊँ,’ उनले भने, ‘हामी पर निर्भर छौं, यसबाट मुक्त बनौं ।’ ....... ‘हामी माखो केही उत्पादन नगर्ने, संधै भारतको भर पर्ने अनि राष्ट्रबादी भन्ने ?,’ उनले भने, ‘यो नक्कली राष्ट्रवाद हो, त्यसैले आफैं अन्तरनिर्भर बनेर भारतप्रतिको निर्भरता हटाऔं ।’ उनले लामो समयदेखिको नाकाबन्दी र बन्द हड्तालले ६ खर्ब भन्दा बढीको नोक्सान भई सकेकाले बार्ताबाट समस्या समाधान गर्नु पर्ने बताए । ‘छुट्टै पार्टी खोलेर गुट उपगुट बनाउनका लागि मैले पार्टी छाडेको होइन,’ उनले भने, ‘भूमिगत बनेर नयां शक्ति निर्माण गर्न खोज्या पनि होइन, नयाँ शक्तिमा सबै पार्टीका युवा, नेता, बौद्धिक ब्यक्तित्व सबै रहने छन् ।’

Master strategist or just lucky? In hindsight, Nitish Kumar appears to be a genius

Only two years ago, every step Nitish Kumar took reversed his political fortune. ..... Nitish’s decision to part ways with the BJP was based on the cold political calculation that Modi would neither have an all-India appeal like Atal Bihari Vajpayee nor the polarising effect of a Ram Mandir agitation. But far from these calculations, Modi crafted his image of a pro-development politician and a decisive “doer” unafraid of taking tough decisions. Despite all odds, Modi pulled through because of a divided Opposition and his distinct political persona that attracted fence-sitters to him. In Bihar, Modi got an overwhelming mandate in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections reducing the RJD and the JD(U) to the margins. ...... In hindsight, all these appear to have been smart moves. The election results make it seem as though these were perfectly timed with a stroke of genius. Manjhi’s elevation is now being seen as a deft political move to take the heat off Nitish after his humiliating defeat in 2014. On the other hand, the BJP’s strategy to win over Mahadalits yielded little dividend as they found more affinity with the Grand Alliance than the BJP-led alliance. ......

In less than 18 months the unmatched powerful election campaign machinery of Modi and Amit Shah, and their strategic genius, came crashing down in Bihar.

This humiliating defeat after a similar performance in Delhi has substantially reduced the stature of Modi and brought him at par with Nitish who has acquired a larger-than-life image.

How Prashant Kishor’s Team Swung the Elections for Nitish Kumar

Almost 10,000 mobile numbers per district were added to various Whatsapp groups. The groups were used to send campaign messages in audio, video and infographics format....... Calls were made to the electorate with campaign messages pre-recorded by Nitish. .....Hundreds of cycles with posters of the Grand Alliance’s campaign messages helped get the message across, even in areas that were off the common path......To counter the BJP’s attacks on Nitish, the IPAC team maintained a two hour turn-around time to communicate the Grand Alliance’s viewpoint.......Kishor also convinced Nitish and Lalu to hold separate rallies to cover more ground. ...... Around 50-60 people are part of the Indian People’s Action Committee (IPAC), created after the dissolution of the Citizens for Accountable Governance (CAG, the group that assisted in Modi’s 2014 campaign). The team includes media professionals (including an ex-Google employee), lawyers, money managers (including IIM graduates) and digital media specialists among others. ...... around 10 people were part of IPAC’s leadership that reported to Kishor, with the remaining members forming the ground coordination team. ...... An additional two-three team members were assigned to each district to work alongside 250 locally hired employees, or Central Resource Mobilisers (CRM). ..... The team understood that Bihar’s core voters would not be available on Facebook and Twitter, but on Whatsapp ...... Pamphlets with Nitish’s campaign message, his signature and a phone number were distributed at various spots that were considered community hotspots or areas where people usually gather, like a tea shop. Giving a missed call to the number would get the caller a return call with Nitish’s recorded voice and campaign message. ..... A 500 member call-centre made direct calls to prospective voters to get a sense of which way they would vote and collect feedback, which would then be forwarded to ground-level personnel who would then address it. ..... To counter the BJP’s attacks on Nitish, the IPAC team maintained a two hour turn-around time to communicate the Grand Alliance’s viewpoint. Once a counter-message was formulated, it was disseminated to the the lakhs of numbers on Whatsapp and through the various official Twitter handles and Nitish’s Facebook page. ..... For instance, when BJP leaders Rajiv Pratap Rudy and Sushil Modi tweeted about Nitish’s campaign ads appearing on Pakistani news sites, the team took less than an hour to not only explain how the ads work based on the user’s location, but also countered with screenshots of BJP’s own ads appearing on Pakistani news sites. ......

While Modi held major rallies with huge turnout in a single day, Nitish and Lalu would hold as many as 15 rallies individually, albeit with smaller turnouts but substantially better area coverage.

Kishor also advised Nitish and Lalu not to share the stage together to try and keep Nitish free of the baggage Lalu carried after his conviction and disqualification...... Most IPAC members we spoke with gave us a sense that they feel a part of a pioneering exercise to make political campaign management a professional, institutionalised exercise in India.

Bihar Elections 2015 Results: Decoding how Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad Yadav defeated Narendra Modi

After the humiliating defeat in the Delhi assembly election, Modi had led the NDA charge by holding over 30 rallies while his Man Friday and BJP chief Amit Shah held 85-odd public meetings, asserting confidence that the BJP-led NDA would come to power and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar would give in his resignation on November 8. However, the rising intolerance row, the silence over core issues and diminishing faith in the Modi government has once again stopped BJP from gaining a foothold in one of the most prominent states of the country. ..... will also help Nitish Kumar acquire a key role in national politics once again. .... Modi announced the whopping package of Rs 1 lakh 65 thousand crore, he spoke about development promising "bijli-paani-sadak" (electricity, road and water) and "kamai-padhai-dawai" (earning, education and medicines) only after the second phase. Modi tried to pitch development through a six-point agenda, but the issues raised by the prime minister were nothing but what Nitish Kumar had already announced in his August 2014 development plan known as the 'vision document'. The prime minister had nothing new to offer to the citizens of Bihar apart from ‘tall promises’. ...... Whether it is the FTII row, Dadri lynching, Kalburgi's death or ceasefire violations, Modi has preferred to remain quiet. The only time he spoke out was when his home state of Gujarat was under duress. ...... Modi was the 'one man army' when it came to the election campaign. ......

On the day of the final phase of the voting, adding fuel to the fire, Yogi Adityanath compared Shah Rukh Khan with the 2008 Mumbai attack mastermind Hafiz Saeed. Union Minister Mahesh Sharma termed the Dadri lynching incident as an "accident" while Haryana CM Khattar had said that Muslims can live in India only if they give up eating beef.

...... Amid the continuing Patel quota stir in Gujarat, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat pitched for a review of the reservation policy, contending it has been used for political ends and that aspirations of one section should not be met at the cost of others. Veteran actor and party leader Shatrughan Sinha too backed Bhagwat's call, stating he should be taken seriously. ...... BJP’s hopes of getting a coalition of Mahadalits and EBCs together was dealt a mighty blow by Bhagwat

यो रावण सरकार

६ वटा टाउको ६ वटा उप प्रधान मंत्री को। ४ वटा टाउको ओलीको।