रतन झा: मधेसी व्रि्रोह ः चुनौती र अवसर

मधेसी वासिन्दा व्रि्रोहमा उत्रिएका छन् । देशकै एउटा भागमा बस्ने समूहले व्रि्रोह गरेपछिको अवस्था राज्यले चुनौती र अवसर दुवैको रूपमा हर्ेर्नुपर्छ । झन्डै साढे दर्ुइ सय वर्षेखि अविछिन्न रूपमा सामन्ती केन्द्रीकृत निरंकुश राजतन्त्रात्मक शासन व्यवस्थामा पिल्सिएका मधेसीको मनमा गुम्सिएको कुण्ठा विष्फोट भएको हो ।

संसारका धेरै देशमा जात, रंग, क्षेत्र, धर्म र विभिन्न सिद्धान्तका आधारमा अन्तरदेशीय द्वन्द्व भएका छन् । अहिलेको र्सवाधिक सम्पन्न र विश्वकै प्रमुख शक्तिशाली देश अमेरिकामा पनि ४०-५० वर्षअघिसम्म काला र गोराबीच रंगका आधारमा चर्को र अत्यासलाग्दो विभेद हुने गरेको थियो । अल्पमतमा रहेका कालाजातिका लागि संसारको स्वप्न देश अमेरिकामा जीवन निकै कष्टकर थियो । जुनसुकै रेष्टुरा“मा उनीहरू निर्वाध जान सक्ने थिएनन् । कालाका लागि छुट्टै रेष्टुरा“, र्सार्वजनिक शौचालय, स्कुल, अस्पताल आदि थिए । सरकारी नीति निर्माण तहमा कालाको कुनै सहभागिता थिएन । सामान्य सरकारी कर्मचारीमा पनि कालालाई स्थान नदिइने परम्परा थियो । त्यस विरुद्ध कालाहरू अमेरिकामा स्वतन्त्रता र समानताका लागि व्रि्रोह गरिरहेका थिए ।

त्यसपछि अमेरिकाले समावेशी संरचना अपनाएको थियो । सरकारले आफ्नै नागरिकको सम्मानका लागि तय गरेका नीतिका कारण अहिले अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपतिपछिको दोस्रो महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा पद विदेशमन्त्रीमा काला जातिकी अझ महिला कोन्डालिजा राइस पुगेकी छन् । पर्ूवराष्ट्रपति बिल क्लिन्टनले गोराका स्कुलमा कालाहरूलाई आफैं तानेर भित्र छिराएका थिए । अमेरिकी सरकारले कालाका समस्यालाई सम्बोधन गरेपछि अहिले अमेरिकामा कालो-गोरो छालाका आधारमा कुनै भेद छैन । अहिलेको युवा पुस्तामा त झन् रंगभेद पटक्कै छैन ।

उता दक्षिण अप्रिmकामा पनि स्वतन्त्रतापछिको संक्रमणकालमा जातीय विभेद अत्यन्त तीव्र थियो । आफ्नो अस्तित्वका लागि काला र गोराबीच तीव्र विवाद त छ“दै थियो, अझ क्षेत्रीय र वर्गीय विभेद पनि चर्को थियो । त्यसको प्रजातान्त्रिक सरकारले उनीहरूका समस्या समाधानका लागि गरेका वार्ताको प्रत्यक्ष प्रसारण गरिएको थियो । मुक्तिकामी नेता र सरकारबीच कैयौं दिन प्रत्यक्ष प्रसारण गरिएका वार्ताको परिणाम कति सुखद भयो भने अहिले दक्षिण अप्रिmका विश्वका धनी देशमा स्थापित हुन थालेको छ ।

अमेरिका र अप्रिmकामा जस्तो जटिल समस्या नेपालका मधेसी र अरू वर्गमा छैन । जनस्तरमा सहिष्णु भावना छ । अहिले जतिसुकै ठूलो आन्दोलन तर्राईमा भए पनि त्यसलै साम्प्रदायिक दंगाको रूप लिएको छैन । साम्प्रदायिक दंगाको अवस्था सिर्जना भयो भने दर्ुभाग्य हुनेछ । हामी गैरआवासीय नेपालीको मुख्य चासो यही हो । सरकारले मधेसीका जायज र सम्भव माग पूरा गर्न ढिलो गर्नु हु“दैन । किनभने जनस्तरमा को पहाडी को मधेसी भन्ने विवाद छैन । अझ एकअर्काका संस्कृति र रीतिरिवाजलाई सम्मान गर्ने संस्कृतिको विकास नेपालीमा भइसकेको छ ।

करिब तीन वर्षघि न्युयोर्कमा भएको एक नेपाली सम्मेलनमा केही मधेसीले कर्ुता-पाइजामा लगाएर आउ“दा सबैले भारतको कुन ठाउ“ घर भन्दै सोध्ने गर्थे, दोस्रो त्यस्तै सम्मेलनमा नेपालको कुन जिल्ला भनेर प्रश्न सोध्नेहरूले अमेरिकाव्यापी हालै सम्पन्न तेस्रो सम्मेलनमा धोती लगाएर हि“ड्दा सुहाएको र आफूलाई पनि एउटा ल्याइदिन आग्रह गर्ने गरेको अवस्था छ । जनस्तरमा सम्बन्ध सुध्रिएको उदाहरण हो यो । यो सुमधुर सम्बन्धलाई राज्यले पनि सम्बोधन गर्नुपर्छ ।

स्वदेशमा पनि सरकारले यस्तै वातावरण बनाउनर्ुपर्छ । हामी सरकारले मधेसीका नाजायज माग पूरा गर्नर्ुपर्छ भन्दैनौं, तर मधेसीको पहिचान र सशक्तीकरण भने गर्न जरुरी छ । काठमाडौं केन्द्रित राज्यसत्ता विकेन्द्रीकरण नगरेसम्म देशको र्सवांगीण विकास हुन सक्दैन । अमेरिकामा संघीय प्रणाली अवलम्बन गरेपछि नै बढी विकास भएको हो । राज्यहरूले स्वतन्त्र रूपमा स्थानीय स्तरको विकास गर्छन्, कर उठाउ“छन् र खर्च पनि गर्छन् । अमेरिकामा वडा प्रहरी प्रमुखसमेत निर्वाचित हुने र गाउ“का मुद्दाको फैसला स्थानीय बुद्धिजीवीलाई गर्ने अधिकार दिइएको छ, जसले गर्दा पारदर्शिता र जनसहभागिता छ ।

मधेसी मागका सम्बन्धमा प्रधानमन्त्रीको तर्फाट आएको सम्बोधन स्वागतयोग्य छ । तर यसलाई प्रभावकारी रूपमा कार्यान्वयन गर्न पछि पर्नु हु“दैन । मधेसमा भएको जनधनको क्षतिको जिम्मेवारी लि“दै गृहमन्त्रीको राजिनामा माग गर्नुलाई अतिशयोक्तिपर्ूण्ा मागको रूपमा लिनु हु“दैन । यसबाट मधेसीले सम्मान र गौरव अनुभव गर्छन् भने कृष्णप्रसाद सिटौलालाई राज्य सञ्चालनमा अरू महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा जिम्मेवारी दिनर्ुपर्छ । उनको योगदानलाई कदर गर्नु हु“दैन भन्ने पक्षमा मधेसीहरू छैनन् । गृहमन्त्रीको राजिनामा उनकै लागि पनि बडप्पन हुन्छ । तर मधेसीहरूले पनि केवल गृहमन्त्रीको राजिनामामा केन्द्रित भई मुख्य मुद्दालाई कम प्राथमिकता दिने गल्ती गर्नु हु“दैन ।

कुनै पनि घटना भएपछि आयोग वा वार्ताटोली गठन गरेरमात्र हु“दैन । यस्तो 'सुगर कोटिङ'ले दर्ीघकालीन रूपमा समस्या समाधान हुन सक्दैन । अहिले सरकार र नागरिक समाजले समस्याको गहिराइलाई राम्ररी बुझ्न सक्नर्ुपर्छ । मधेसी मूलका व्यक्तिमा स्वतन्त्रताका लागि जीवनको आहुति दिने जुनुन सवार भइसकेको छ । यो जुनुन स्वतन्त्रता प्राप्त नभएसम्म ५० औं वर्षम्म पनि चल्न सक्छ । त्यतिबेलासम्म व्यापक जनधनको क्षति हुनेछ । मुलुक विखण्डनको स्थितिमा पुग्नेछ ।

हामी गैरआवासीय नेपालीले यो समस्या समाधानका लागि अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय विज्ञताको सहयोग गर्न सक्छौं । सरकारले घोषणा गरेको कार्यक्रमलाई समवेदनशील भएर प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयन गर्न लाग्ने हो भने यो समस्या समाधान हु“दैन भन्ने हामीलाई लाग्दैन । भोलिको पुस्ताले विभेद र कुण्ठा पाल्नु नपर्ने अवस्था सिर्जनाका लागि गैरआवासीय नेपाली आर्थिक, प्राविधिक सहयोग गर्न पनि तत्पर छन् । जसरी अहिले घाइतेका लागि आर्थिक सहयोग गरिएको छ, त्यसैगरी अरू सहयोग पनि गर्न सकिन्छ ।

जनता जागेको बेला नेताहरू पछि परेको देखिन्छ । मधेसी नेताले पनि जनभावना बुझ्न कन्जुस्याइ“ गरिरहेको पाइन्छ भने सरकारमा बस्ने नेताले पनि यो आन्दोलनको गहिराइलाई बुझ्न खोजिरहेका छैनन् । यस्तै अवस्था रहिरह्यो भने अहिले देखिएको कुण्ठा र व्रि्रोह भयानक रूपमा विष्फोट हुन्छ । तर्सथ यो समस्या समाधानका लागि सरकार र मधेसी समुदाय वैज्ञानिक र र्सवस्वीकार्य रूपमा अघि बढ्नर्ुपर्छ । यो मुद्दालाई कुनै पनि राजनीतिक पार्टर्ीी पनि उपेक्षा गर्नु हु“दैन भने मधेसमा रहेका पहाडीले पनि आफ्नै समस्याको रूपमा लिनुपर्छ ।

Kantipur

Why Will Girija Not Seek A Common Sense Solution?

A new interim government is about to be formed. That means the entire cabinet will be reorganized. The Home Minister might have had to go regardless.

Girija is like a stopped clock that is right two times a day. For one, he is sick. I wonder how much time he puts into work daily. And what exactly does work mean to him? Sit in bed Mao style and get his close circle to read him out the papers?

This confrontation he has invited is unnecessary. But now he is faced with it.

His tieing Congressi Madhesi Mahantha Thakur's hands and sending him out to pasture, setting him up for failure, is telling of his anti-Madhesi prejudice.

Perhaps what Girija is lacking is not political skill, although that he is, but rather an attitude that Madhesis are equal to Pahadis. Girija is a Khas guy. He knows where his loyalties lie. That he has anointed Krishna Sitaula, another Khas, as the leader among the third generation Congressis is no accident. This is tribal politics.

The enormous Khas resistance to the Madhesi Janajati Movement perhaps should not come as a surprise. The Khas are the powers that be in all seven Pahadi parties. The titanic struggle was perhaps inevitable.

Girija is not committed to the idea of a republic. He is not committed to federalism. The Khas in general are not committed to federalism. The Kathmandu media has been publishing anti-federalism articles one after another. All sorts of ridiculous arguments are being made against federalism by some top names in the diaspora. Political logic has been shunted, they are busy spewing Khas prejudice.

My logic has been simple. Are you for democracy? People say yes. Are you for federalism? Many people find it hard to say no. And then you lose them. They might pay lip service to federalism, but their heart is not into it. Even those who say they are for federalism are dead set against ethnic federalism.

In my mind, the solution is simple. If you are for democracy and federalism, you should let the people decide as to what shape that federalism should take. You produce your map, I produce mine. And we both go to the people. But the parties basically have refused to produce maps. Therein lies their dishonesty. And that is why the Madhesi and the Janajati are so suspicious of the Khas parties. The Maoists have a map, but they are not really for federalism as we might know it. And even their map is suspect. They have a Tharuwan, and a Tamuwan, and so on, but there is no Khasan for the Khas. The hills and the mountains in the west should be Khasan. That is a mindgame on the part of the Khas leaders of the Maoist party. They think of themselves as universal, as neutral. They are not ethnics, the rest are. That just is not true. We are all ethnics.

The fermentation of the Madhesi Janajati Movement has been necessary. The fog of Khas prejudice is too thick. That prejudice does not seem to respond to political logic, and hence the need for street action.

पुरे देशको प्यारालाइज कर दो
Nepalgunj II: This Is A Repeat
Eighth State: Khasan
Arato: Well Meaning But Away From Ground Realities
माअोवादी तानाशाही मुर्दाबाद
A Nepali Diaspora Milestone
िगिरजाको कुर्सी से हटा दो, सेरेमोिनयल बना दो
Federalism As A Formula
Janakpur Madhesis Demand Federal Republic Nepal
Paramendra Mention In Nepali Times By Kashish
Two Things To Do To Prevent April Kranti III
अगर सडक पर िफर से उतडनी पडी तो
Ram Manohar Sah: Himalayan Double Standard
Bahun Federalism Is No Federalism At All
Nepal Sarkar Needs To Set Up A Tribunal
Krishna Sitaula's Resignation: Why It Is Important
Of Hindu Supremacists And Muslim Martyrs

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