Bindeshwar Prasad Yadav: True Integration Of Nepal

Royalist, Hindu Supremacist, Violent, Anything But A Madhesi Movement

Situation Update 25 (Unedited Version) February 14, 2007

Chronology of Madhes Violence in Nepal

Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) initiated a movement demanding for Constituent Assembly (CA) election with proportional electorate system, autonomy to entire Madhes region, provide citizenship certificate to all Madhesi without discrimination, establishment of regional autonomous governance system including right to self-determination, etc and burnt the Interim Constitution on Jan 16, 2007. Police arrested 28 of them in Kathmandu. The media covered the news on the next day and widespread dissentions were expressed. The MJF cadres called for strike in the Madhes for their immediate release on January 18.

January 19: While the protestors were holding strike at Lahan, a scuffle between Maoists and protesters ensued during which a bullet fired by a Maoist activist Siyaram Thakur lethally hit Ramesh Kumar Mahato, a student of Grade 10.

January 20: The protestors at Lahan demanded for action against the perpetrator, compensation to the victimized family and employment opportunity to a member of the deceased. They were displaying the dead body and at 8 pm, Maoist cadres arrived there, attacked the MJF cadres and seized the body. They had the deceased’s brother sign a paper, cremated the body, and provided NRs. 25,000 for funeral expenses. The MJF activists and protesters vandalized the National Human Rights Commission vehicle at Inerwa, Sunsari on the way to Siraha for monitoring and investigation of Lahan incident

January 21: The situation became tense and the MJF activists and general masses were agitated. The elements ‘fishing in muddy waters’ infiltrated the ranks and vandalized and looted different government offices located at Lahan including post office, municipality, food corporation, area administration office, drinking water, etc. 15 protesters were injured during baton charge by police. Rajendra Chaudhary of Sarlahi, while returning back home from his shop, was looted and killed by an unidentified group.

January 22: MJF cadres organized a campaign and the mob tried to vandalize a police. Two policemen were wounded by bullets and then they opened fire on the crowd. Two protesters Pramod Sada and Bijay Lal Sahani died at spot and 12 severely injured were airlifted to Kathmandu for treatment of whom Bechan Yadav and Mohammad Mudassin died. Altogether 40 demonstrators were injured. Sporadic violence spread in almost all cities and towns in the eastern and central terai and curfew was extended.

January 23, 24, 25 and 26: There were demonstrations and clashes with police, but there were no human casualties and major incidences, except curfew in most of cities and towns of the eastern district.

January 27: During a clash between protesters and police in Kalaiya, Bara district, two protesters namely Sekh Abdual Sharraf and Majir Muhammad Mansur were shot dead. The protesters confiscated some weapons of the police. Protesters also vandalized, looted and torched the Rastriya Banijya Bank, District Hospital, Office of the District Development Committee, Municipality, ambulances, District Office of the mainstream political parties, i.e. Nepali Congress, CPN (UML), Nepali Congress (D), etc. In Rauthat, District Administration, District Development and Maiti Nepal (NGO) offices and UML General Secretary Madhav Nepal’s house were plundered and arsoned.

January 28: The Birgunj FM station and Nepal Journalist Association, Parsa Chapter office were vandalized by protesters. They beat local media man Ram Sharraf. A ricksaw puller Mahabir Sah died due to beating. Four injured people of Kalaiya of Bara districts were air lifted to Kathmandu for the treatment. There was tussle between demonstrators and police in Janakpur and police firing and baton charge wounded 321.

January 29: There were demonstrations and clashes with police, but there were no human casualties and major incidences, except curfew in almost the cities and towns.

January 30: At Biratnagar Mills Area the protesters vandalized private houses and the locals fought back, during which Ram Kumar Kamat died. At Chandranigahapur in Rauthat MJF activists stopped and chased away the group of people who arrived on motorbikes and started to vandalize vehicles.

January 31: The Jwala Sing faction of JTMM seized Buddhanagar Police Circle at Biratnagar. They killed the in-charge of the police post Sub Inspector Naresh Jung Karki after taking into their control. Sada Nanda Yadav also died of police fire during the tussle. They looted the arms and ammunitions at the post and had kidnapped 9 police personnel who were later freed. At another place in Biratnagar, there was clash between protesters and police, where 20 people were injured including a few police personnel. An armed unidentified group looted 350 poultry from a farm in Biratnagar. The protesters vandalized an ambulance carrying patients. The Maoist cadres took to the streets and beat up the royalists infiltered in the demonstrators

February 1: During the protest, campaign at Inerwa in Sunsari, the protesters vandalized District Development Committee office, Nepal Electricity Authority, Agriculture Development Bank and other offices. The protesters clashed with Police and the latter fired several shots. Shyam Swarup Mehta of Babiya VDC and Hari Mehta of Inerwa died while undergoing treatment and 40 protesters and 8 police personnel were injured. Around three dozen ambulances drove through Biratnagar with sirens and hazard lights on to protest against the attack on ambulance the day before. In Parsa, the demonstrators torched several government offices and did not let fire fighters put off the fire due to which property including documents were burnt. The police did not intervene.

February 2: Demonstrations were staged in most of the cities and towns. The police fired guns after a tussle between the protesters and 4 were injured in Birgunj, Parsa district.

February 3: Devendra Shah died and three dozen protesters were injured by police firing during a clash with the demonstrators in Birgunj. Five seriously wounded were airlifted to Kathmandu. In Hariwan, Sarlahi district, an unidentified group killed Ram Ekbal Yadav. The demonstrators vandalized the mental hospital and mistreated patients under treatment. Rajesh Thakur of Janakpur, Dhanusha died due to bullet wound during treatment.

February 4: Sanjay Kumar Ray and Shivadhari Yadav died on police firing in Sarlahi during demonstrations as the protesters vandalized public and private property. Shiva Shankar Yadav of Dhanusha died due to bullet wound while undergoing treatment at Patna (India).

February 5: At Sarlahi during demonstration, the bullets fired by police killed 3 people: Asik Ali Mikrani, Ram Narayan Shah, and Dinesh Ray Yadav and 24 were injured. The protest was halted after violence took over the Malangwa town. The same day an unidentified group killed 3 armed combatants, including Jitendra Marwaita and Murali alias Manish, belonging to Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM- led by Jaya Krishna Goit).

February 8: Police fired at the Madhesi demonstrators at Biratnagar, who had attacked them with bow and arrows, and killed two people – Nirmal Rajbansi of Katahari VDC and Kallu Satar of Sisawani Jahada VDC. The wounded account to 54, including 9 police personnel. After a long meeting of the eight parties, the same night at 11.15, the PM issued the second address to the nation. Protesters attacked and looted a cluster of Pahade houses in in Morang.

February 9: Upendra Yadav, leader of the MJF, called to suspend its protest for 10 days and welcomed the second address by the Prime Minister (PM) to the nation. Nepal Sadhbhavana Party (NSP), Madhesi based political party, also welcomed it. But, Janajati (nationalities and indigenous) groups have protested the PM’s address on the grounds that it does not deal with their demands and issues

Conclusion

In the beginning, the Seven Political Party Alliance (SPA) viewed as spectator the Madhesi movement as a ‘tug of war’ between MJF and Maoists. The PM and leaders of the SPA forced Maoists to apologize for the incident at Lahan. The SPA had calculated that the tussle between Maoists and MJF would weaken the strength of the Maoists in Madhes. But, Madhesi people, including children and women, with domestic weapons started to vandalize or torch party offices of the Seven Party Alliance and Maoists (SPAM) and houses of a couple of SPAM leaders. Then only the SPAM leaders realized the urgency for talks with the MJF. Thousands of Madhesi people turned to the district headquarters defying curfew chanting Abhi Nahi to Kabhi Nahi (Never again, if not now). Although, not only Madhesi but people in general do not have clarity on federal structure of governance, proportional representation and right to self-determination, the Madhesi people rose for their rights. The anger of Madhesi people is the conglomeration of the oppression, exploitation and absolutism from generations. The peculiarity of the Madhesi people is that they unite despite their differences in opinions, political ideology and grudges in times of need. Another reason is that they fear of isolation from their community if not involve in unity in diversity. The fight of the Madhesi is the struggle of Awareness versus rights. The 11-year long People’s War contributed to raising awareness amongst Nepali people, including Madhesi. The Maoists at present has been struggling for its identity at national and international levels. The rights of Madhesi along with indigenous/nationalities and dalits were not included in the Interim Constitution.

The tradition of politics in Nepal is that the party or leaders who find themselves unable to take ‘good’ policies, plans and strategies in favor of nation and people rather backbite and criticize the ‘errors’ of others. The same thing was repeated and so irreparable loss of lives and capital has occurred in Mahdes Movement in comparison to Popular Movement I and II. Media and media persons in the affected districts were severely vandalized by the protesters, including death threats, due to which dozens of daily and weekly newspapers were forcefully closed down. Quite a few journalists were displaced. The PM issued the first (and ‘last’?) address to the nation without consulting with other SPAM leaders stating that the issues and problems of all nationalities, ethnicities, castes, classes, and regions would be addressed by the New Constitution after CA. The PM’s address neither even mentioned about the loss of lives and property, nor expressed condolence to victims’ families. Opposing to the PM’s individual address, the Maoists expressed solidarity with and committed to involve in the Madhesi movement. The central leaders of the key mainstream political parties were afraid of the Madhesi movement to organize even ‘good-will’ rally’s in the capital whereas many Madhesi leaders in the SPA resigned form their posts. The Madhesi movement is historical in the perspective that all the sections of Nepali society, all political forces and civil society, all nationalities, ethnicities and regionalities, classes, expressed solidarity with a movement. The PM failed to harvest good-will by issuing his first address was finally forced to issue the second address within a week, on February 7 with the consensus of SPAM. The prominent demands to federal structure of governance and delimiting the proportional representative election system based on population growth were accepted and process to amend the IC has been initiated. The SPAM and MJF, civil society and people welcomed the address, and the tension and terror of 22 days, first time in history, is retuning to normalcy. During this period, travelers were stranded on the highways, all the statutes of prominent figures (hill dwellers) in Madhes were destroyed, there was scarcity of daily necessities and fuel, prices of goods were hiked, and people faced problems in fulfilling their basic needs.

The JTMM-Goit has commented that the PM’s second address has nothing new in it and is mere a continuation of his first one that has created confusion among the Madhesi people. It reiterated that its demand for a separate Terai State is still valid. JTMM-Jwala Singh has regarded the PM’s address as a conspiracy. Despite these comments, the Talks team for Madhes problem of the Government of Nepal has issued invitation letters to all the concerned forces including both the factions of JTMM.

On February 9, the SPA chapter in Lahan, Madhes Andolan Sangharsha Samiti (Madhes Movement Struggle Committee), Kuswaha Students Welfare Society, MJF, intellectuals, civil society, etc. have demonstrated in Lahan claiming that their demands have not been addressed. The Tharuwan Morcha at Kalyanpur in Siraha vandalized vehicles of media and beat up media persons.

Nepal Federation of Indigenous/Nationalities, Indigenous/Nationalities United Struggle Committee and Indigenous/Nationalities Students Federation have protested the PM’s address and organized demonstration stating that the PM’s address does not include their issues and demands. Similar to the demands of Maoists, these include federal structure based on caste, linguistic and regional autonomy and proportional representation in CA elections. Pasang Sherpa, the chairperson of the Federation addressing the rally said that the government that hears only the voice of violence did not listen to our demands. Mahatam Harijan, Chairperson of Dalit NGO Federation, issued a press statement that MJF did not provide them due forum although they participated in the movement actively and cautioned all to be aware of conspiracy.

Jana Astha Weekly of February 7 quotes that the War Directorate, Nepal Army Headquarters issued a circular by fax to Western Division of Nepal Army. It ordered that all logistics should be prepared for ‘Aid to Civil Power’ as per the interim pact reached among the GoN, UN and Maoists, there is a high possibility of mobilizing the army in the Madhesi movement. On February 7, Brigadier General Dilip Sumsher Rana of Nepal Army’s Western Division addressed the army cadets of the Brigade on the same line. It was protested from all quarters and he was summoned to Kathmandu for action. There is a high speculation that Nepal Army either will be mobilized or involved in coup against the people. The Vishwa Hindu Mahasangh (World Hindu Federation) is bringing about 30,000 sadhus (hermits) in Kathmandu during Hindu festival of Shivaratri (February 16). There is a possibility of demonstrations in support of the monarchy that could create tension and instability, during which Nepal Army could be activated. The controversial statement by the Brigadier could have come to public as its preparatory exercise.

The government has stated that it would carry out action against the perpetrators of gross human rights violations during Popular Movement II, but nothing has been mentioned about those of Popular Movement I (Report of Mallik Commission) and those of recent Madhes Movement. The attitude of speaking for the people when not in power but using public property for private or vested interest and treating the sovereign people as servants when in power is a part of culture because of which conflict and violence is occurring time and again in Nepal. The same elites and people with resources are repeatedly grasping the state power. There is an estimate that 20% elites are using 50% of the resources of the country whereas 40% at the middle classes use 40% and the 40% at bottom layers use 10% in Nepal. The 20% elites occupy the seniormost positions. There is a probability of resource-based struggle between elites and poors for equitable distribution of resources.

It has been validated in the 16-year long democratic history of Nepal the demands of any class, section, profession, organization, etc. have not been heeded and fulfilled unless the actors take violent actions. Violence has developed as a culture that has turned ‘culture of silence’ into ‘culture of violence’ in the course to fulfill their demands. If timely attention is not given to the issues and demands, the movement of Indigenous/Nationalities and Dalits for their identity and resources could become violent that would be far more devastating.

(Sources: Field Studies, NHRC and Newspapers)
Contributed by Dr. Bishnu Pathak and Chitra Niraula
Assisted by Yahsoda Upreti, Shankar Poudyal and Krishna Sundar Thapa

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