Monday, February 05, 2007

Guiding The Madhesi Movement


The Madhesi Movement has easily been one of the happiest moments of my life. I am personally grateful to the Madhesis who have braved the streets, the lathis, the bullets. A rare global solidarity of the Madhesis has been achieved. I have been waiting for this all my life. Nothing less than total equality is acceptable. We will not settle for anything less.

Where do we go from here?

Krishna Sitaula has to resign. All those who have given their lives to the Madhesi Movement have to be declared martyrs by the state. Medical expenses for all those injured have to be the state's responsibility.

Then the political solution can begin.

I believe the absolute minimum agenda is this: Compromise: Add 45 Constituencies To The Terai.

But we can take the extra step and expand that basic agenda to make it revolutionary. That decision is for the leaders on the ground to take. Someone like me who is far away has to make room for some wiggle room for the leaders at the forefront.
  • Declare federal republic now.
  • Upendra Yadav: Deputy Prime Minister in the Interim Government.
And then I would urge the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum to become a political party and ride the wave of the Maghe Kranti all the way to the polling booth. The Madhesi Movement has to engineer a total Madhesi sweep of the Madhesh during the elections to the constituent assembly. The political plank in the Terai has to be turned upside down.

It is essential we bring an amendment in the interim constitution that will force all the political parties to make public their party finances. I am worried the Maoists have way too much money. If the money they have is substantially larger than that of the other parties, elections are not going to be free and fair.

Then the Madhesi Movement has to gather around a few key points.
  • Boycott any political party whose central committee is not at least 33% Madhesi.
  • Boycott any non-Madhesi candidate in all Madhesi majority constituencies, regardless of party affiliation.
Half the elected members of the constituent assembly have to be Madhesi, plain and simple.

On day one of the constituent assembly, the country will be declared a republic through an unanimous vote. We have to get a Madhesi elected the first president of Nepal.

The Madhesi Caucus in the constituent assembly has to pass a new Citizenship Bill that will solve that issue once and for all.

The Madhesi Caucus has to engineer a federalism that is to the Madhesh' satisfaction. At one end we have people who want the entire Terai to become one state. Then there is the Maoist map that suggests there be a Tharuwan and a Madhesh. One suggestion is to have three states in the Terai. My original suggestion has been to have a three state federalism in Nepal, Kosi, Gandaki, Karnali, but that would only work for Madhesh if all parliamentary constituencies at both the federal and state levels are strictly based on equal population. And there are a few other maps. You have to be suspicious of all maps that deviate from the basic one person one vote principle and its vertical implications.

We have to engage in a wide open debate on the topic of federalism. And we have to let the democratic process of debate, dialogue and voting make the final decision.

This is the kind of roadmap I personally see ahead for the Madhesi Movement.

The ball is in Girija Koirala's court.

Krishna Sitaula has to resign. All those who have given their lives to the Madhesi Movement have to be declared martyrs by the state. Medical expenses for all those injured have to be the state's responsibility.

Then the political solution can begin.

I believe the absolute minimum agenda is this: Compromise: Add 45 Constituencies To The Terai.

Go on TV. Address the nation. Let it be a proper, direct address to the people. And skip the part about your health. That does not look awfully professional. Even without that there are too many people wondering if you are even physically fit enough to be Prime Minister in the first place.

Agree to the basic demands. Spare the country further pain.

A democratic Prime Minister does not produce martyrs. You have. The Maghe Kranti has produced more martyrs than the April Revolution did. That is a shame. That is a sad epilogue to your long political career. It is also reflective of how deep the anti-Madhesi prejudice in the country has been.

Girija Koirala: Address To The Nation: Madhesi Movement Partial Victory
Girija, Give A Speech Like Gyane Did In April

Fellow Nepalis.

It is high time the Madhesi Movement that has been raging for over two weeks now is given a soft landing. That is essential to the inclusive democracy we all hope to build in this country through the elections to the constituent assembly.

Effectively immediately, the Home Minister is to resign. He takes moral responsibility for all the deaths and injuries that have been sustained in the Madhesi Movement.

All those who have lost their lives to the Madhesi Movement are being declared martyrs. It is not possible to put a monetary price on the heads of those who make the ultimate sacrifice, and this government does not mean to do so. But a monetary compensation of 15 lakh is to be provided to each bereaving famil of the martyred.

Medical expenses for all those injured are to be the state's responsibility. I have already issued instructions to that effect to the appropriate government agencies and departments.

I have resisted the demand that the country be declared a federal republic right away, but an eight party decision has been made that all eight parties will make federal republic a clear part of their election manifestos for the constituent assembly elections. It will be for the duly elected constituent assembly to make a final decision on both those matters.

It is important that the elections to the constituent assembly are free, fair and representative. To that effect 45 constituencies are to be added in the Terai. That brings the total to 250. And the eight parties have also decided to have only 100 indirectly elected seats, to be based on the principle of proportionality.

The interim parliament will also pass a law that will require that all political parties make their party finances public.

An eight party decision has also been made to induct the president of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Upendra Yadav, into the interim cabinet, as a Deputy Prime Minister.

I hope we can all now move firmly to the political process of debate, dialogue and voting. I hope there will no more be the need for disruptive street demonstrations and crippling strikes. And I urge all those who have taken to the streets as part of the Madhesi Movement to go back to their homes, get back with their lives, and participate in the constituent assembly elections with great enthusiasm.

Jai Nepal.

Visitors

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Open Letter To Surendra Devkota, Shiva Gautam




18 January 2007, Thursday320

19 January 2007, Friday242

20 January 2007, Saturday32

21 January 2007, Sunday269

22 January 2007, Monday343

23 January 2007, Tuesday332

24 January 2007, Wednesday479

25 January 2007, Thursday667

26 January 2007, Friday553

27 January 2007, Saturday489

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29 January 2007, Monday783

30 January 2007, Tuesday572

31 January 2007, Wednesday701

1 February 2007, Thursday768

2 February 2007, Friday614

3 February 2007, Saturday716

4 February 2007, Sunday963


Response to your article: Model of federal system


I read this with great interest.
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=80799

I think this has to be step one:
http://demrepubnepal.blogspot.com/2007/02/compromise-add-45-constituencies-to.html

What do you think?

And then we have to move to this: http://projectnd.blogspot.com

Why don't you two write a full critique of my Proposed Constitution? I
think it is a complete document. It can only really be looked at in
its entirety. I'd appreciate that.

And I will ask you a question I also asked Kanak Dixit. How do I get
published in the Bahun media in Kathmandu? Can you two help? Even
people who personally know me b/c I met them in NYC boycott me!

:-)

Parmendra jee

Could you please email to me your contact phone no so I can call and talk to you about a possible interview for the VOA Hindi? . Please send it as soon as possible. Thanks

rashmi shukla

Managing Editor/Hindi Service, VOA in Washington DC

Model of federal system

By Surendra R Devkota and Shiva Gautam

Nepal, since its existence, never had a citizen-centered governance structure. All state machineries during the Rana and earlier regimes were focused on only tax collection from the citizens and power consolidation at the center.

After establishment of the National Planning Commission in 1956, and introduction of the guided democracy by King Mahendra in 1961, the politico-economic forces tried to control all types of resources regardless of high entropy in the system. Such systems are bound to fail as the late Pakistani economist Mahbub-ul-Haq, who was pioneer in developing the UN's Human Development Index (HDI) in the 1970s, maintains that both mixed economy (similar to Panchyat) and the generous assistance of developed countries to upgrade the living standard and growth are inappropriate models of development is still relevant to developing countries.

Even after 1990, decentralization in planning, and socioeconomic decision making never materialized in total, rather country witnessed both intra and inter agency feud over how to control the resources. This did hurt public's aspiration, and created lots of cynicism about the development and politics at different levels

Time has come to correct all the misdeeds of the past by dismantling the old top-down governmental structures and devising a new Nepal with a holistic change. We propose a federal system, a down-top structure that is inclusive from local to national level.

We propose national/central, regional and local governments in our model of federal system. At the local level our model consists of cities, towns and villages only, but not districts which are nonexistent in our model. It is our view that district and regional governments may not be compatible because too many politico-administrative layers could slow down the top down flow of resources. District-based model could be another option and also discussed by one of the authors (see nepalnews.com June 30).

Central level: The parliament will be bicameral: Upper and Lower Houses. The Upper House will have exclusive representation of different socio-ethnic groups, minorities, women, and people of different walks of life. Bills concerning language, culture, heritage, education will originate in this parliament and should be passed with the majority before it goes to lower house.

The upper house must explicitly be comprised of all ethnic communities and professional bodies so that their concerns will be considered at the top level.

The lower house will have a representation system of directly elected people from respective constituencies, and to be decided by constituent assembly about proportionate representation. Each member of the parliament is accountable to the people. The parliamentary committees will have final authority in tabulation of bills. The committee members have rights to bring any bills to the respective committees.

All the nominations of heads of constitutional bodies, ambassadors and heads of security apparatus should be approved first by respective parliamentary parties, and then by the lower house.

All types of security system will be regulated by the parliamentary system, and will be responsible to the people and accountable to the parliament.

There will be a few independent federal systems such as National judiciary system, Election system, National university system, National Public Service commission, Environment Conservation, and Criminal Investigation etc. At the central level only the ministries with less than 25 percent of total workforce could stay.

The Role of Prime Minister: The prime minister will be elected by national popular vote. S/he will appoint cabinet members of his choice. The cabinet members must be endorsed from the upper house/lower house. If a member of parliament is appointed a cabinet member s/he should vacate the membership of the parliament.

In the past the prime ministers spent much of their energy in political maneuvering and serving the parliamentarians instead of focusing on national issues and serving the people. A prime minister (or the president) elected directly by the people will be primarily accountable to people rather than to the parliamentarians. This created an overlap between judicial and executive branches of the government.

Regional level: We propose a three regional system based on Koshi, Gandaki, and Karnali river basins. There will be Regional head directly elected by the people, and a council also directly elected by the people in the region.

The number of council members will be determined by the population density in the region; one person may represent about fifty thousand residents. The roles and responsibility of the regional government is not only limited to implement central policies, but also include to devise its own planning and mobilizing all types of resources that means economic development, taxation, education, conservation, social well beings etc. Regional head will have the authority to appoint at least 25 percent of council members based on socio-economically deprived communities.

All central administration like ministries will have department in the regions. Regional administrative head could be from the Auditor General's office whose responsibilities would
be to help mobilize resources effectively.

Local level: Local governments would include Village and City/Town units. We don't propose a district unit, because too many tiers in politico-administrative system would be further problematic. The presence of regional governments should complement to the local government units.

Local governments' geo-physical boundaries must be scientific. One option could be to use the local watershed of rivers and streams with help of both geographer and demographer's expertise. A village unit could be at least 5,000 households.

Villages have been relegated to the bottom in terms of availability of socio-economic development institutions as well as resources where the crux of problems exists. Therefore, each village unit should be assigned as a socio-economic development unit, that means they must be empowered to appoint all types of technical manpower, and could monitor other social system like school, public health, communication etc.

The chief of village unit as well as village council (say, one council for each 250 households) should also be elected by the local people. All of them are accountable to the local people. There should a clear demarcation between village and city or town, and people have the right to choose which system would be preferable to them. All these numbers are to be decided by the constituent assembly.

There are different models of federal system, and the one which we outline may be relevant to Nepal based on past fifty years of geo-political development.

There is no question about it that to sustain socio-economic development, Nepal needs an innovative constitution that guarantees rights, by empowering through a coherent system of accountability, institutional and financial decentralization, ecological, and economical rights along with civil liberties at many levels rather than a simple politico-administrative makeover at the central level. The government, political parties, and the Maoists should not waste their time: sooner the better. People are expecting the election of constituent assembly.

(Dr Devkota is a faculty at the World Learning, Vermont, USA, and Dr Gautam is a faculty at Harvard University, Massachusetts, USA)


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