तर्राईको तनावलाई अवसरमा बदल्नुपर्छ
गगन थापा
Why Are The Pahadis Quiet?
मधेसका केही जिल्लामा देखिएको तनाव र असामान्य स्थितिलाई विभिन्न कोणबाट नियाल्नु अनिवार्य छ । एकाङ्गी विश्लेषणबाट न मधेसको मुद्दा र तनावको चुरो ठम्याउन सकिन्छ न निरूपणको कार्यसूची तय गर्न सकिनेछ । राष्ट्रसंघीय प्रतिनिधि मार्टिनले जे भने सही भनेका छन् । यो आगो समयमै निभाउन सकिएन भने संविधानसभा निर्वाचन कार्यतालिका मात्रै भताभुङ्ग हुने होइन समग्र शान्ति प्रक्रिया अवरुद्ध हुन सक्छ । निश्चित रूपमा यो भग्नोत्साहको स्थिति हो, निरुपायको स्थिति भने होइन ।
सत्ता सञ्चालकहरू (यो परिभाषाभित्र माओवादीसमेत पर्छन) गम्भीर, प्रज्ञापूर्ण, दूरदर्शी र उदार हुन सक्ने, समाजको प्रतिपक्षीय चिन्तन र द्रुत परिवर्तनको आवेग बुझ्न सक्ने, समस्या र मुद्दाका भिन्न आयाम विश्लेषण गर्न सक्ने अनि प्रतिगामी पदचापको भद्दा आवाज सतर्कतापूर्वक सुन्न सक्ने क्षमता राख्छन् भनेचाहि मधेसमा हाल देखिएको हलचल र क्षुब्द वातावरण सम्पुर्ण अधिनायकवादी आकांक्षाहरूलाई सदाका निम्ति परास्त गर्न प्रयोग गर्न सकिनेछ ।
यसको निम्ति पहिलो र्सत राजनीतिक नेतृत्व सांघुरो राजनीतिक चिन्तनवृत्तबाट बाहिर निस्कन सक्नर्ुपर्छ । राजनीतिक अग्रगमनको कार्यसूची तय गर्ने सर्न्दर्भमा सात दल र माओवादीले जातीय, क्षेत्रीय, लैंगिक र अन्य असमानताविरुद्ध लामो समयदेखि संगठित रूपमा संर्घष गर्दै आएका समूहहरूप्रति देखाएको उदासीन व्यवहारप्रति कटाक्ष गर्दै हाम्रो आन्दोलनका सहयोगी एक विदेशी मित्रले भनेका थिए, नेपालको शान्ति प्रक्रिया हेर्दा यो 'फ्रेन्ड्स अफ गिरिजाप्रसाद र फ्रेन्ड्स अफ प्रचण्ड' बीचको प्रतिस्पर्धा, शक्ति बाँडफाँड र सहमति जस्तो लाग्छ । उनको संकेत सम्पूर्ण प्रक्रियामा बृहत् सहभागितालाई कुण्ठित गर्दा स्वामित्वको अभावमा अन्य समूह आफ्नो मुद्दासहित प्रक्रियाबाट बाहिर निस्केर अन्य उपलब्ध उद्योगद्वारा सहभागी हुने प्रयत्न गर्नेछन् भन्नेतर्फथियो । मधेसमा सल्किएको यो आगो र अन्य क्षेत्र र समूहमा बढ्दै गएको तनावलाई यो पृष्ठभूमिमा विवेचना गर्नु यथार्थपरक हुनेछ ।
जनव्रि्रोहको एउटा महत्त्वपूर्ण पक्ष, लोकतन्त्रको बृहत् मागभित्र सबै क्षेत्र, वर्ग र समुदायले आ-आफ्नो भिन्नै आकांक्षा र अपेक्षा पनि समाविष्ट गराएका थिए । आन्दोलनको आधार तयार गर्दा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वले लोकतन्त्र बहालीस“गै यस्ता उत्पीडनबाट उन्मुक्तिको उपहार प्राप्त हुने बचन पनि दिएकै हो । त्यसैले पनि यस्ता समूहले छुट्टै अस्तित्वको साथ राजनीतिक प्रक्रियामा सहभागिता अपेक्षा गर्नु र प्रारम्भबाटै आफ्ना मागको सम्बोधन थालनी हुने आग्रह गर्नु स्वाभाविक रूपमा लिनुपर्छ । तर समग्र प्रक्रियामा माओवादीको हतियार व्यवस्थापन मात्रै केन्द्रीय सवाल बन्नु आत्मघाती बन्न पुगेको छ । अनि माओवादीको सम्पूर्ण ध्यान भविष्यको राजनीतिक रंगमञ्चमा आफ्नो दलको ताकत कायम राख्नेमा केन्द्रित रहनु र अन्य दलले समाजमा अन्तरनिहित विषमताको भीषणतामा कुनै कमी नआए पनि आम मानिसको सामाजिक बजुद तुलनात्मक रूपमा फेरिएको नबुझी पुरातनशैलीमै आफ्नो दलीय विरासत जोगाउने प्रयत्न गर्नु यो समस्या सिर्जना गर्ने अर्को कारण बन्न पुगेको छ ।
हिजो मधेस शान्त देखिनु अमनचयनको अभिव्यक्ति थिएन, शक्तिविहीनताको भावनाको लक्षण थियो । लोकतन्त्रले सुतेकाहरूलाई जगाएको छ, हिजो शक्ति हत्याउनेहरूबाट शक्ति खोस्न उक्साएको छ । संगठित भएर उभिएपछि, चिच्याएर कराएपछि आफ्नो आवाज सुनिनेछ, हाम्रै आन्दोलन सिकाउको पाठ हो । हिजो पढाउने अनि आज किन पढिस् भनेर गाली गर्नु वाहियात हो झन् माओवादीले त यो सवालमा मुख फेर्न मिल्दैन । हिजो जातीय स्वायत्तता, क्षेत्रीय स्वायत्तताको नारा लगाउने अनि आज समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको मागलाई समेत उपेक्षा गर्नु राजनीतिक इमानदारी हुन सक्दैन । निश्चित रूपमा भावी नेपालको नक्सा संविधानसभाले कोर्ने छ, तर त्यो नक्सा कोर्ने ठाउ“मा सम्पर्ूण्ा समुदायहरूको सहभागिताको माग न्यायोचित छ ।
अन्तरिम विधायिका निर्माणमा राजनीतिक दलहरू उदार हुन सकेको भए सम्भवतः यसैले यस्ता समुदायको सहभागिता सुनिश्चित पार्थ्यो, अनि अन्तरिम विधायिका भीषण संर्घष र आमसहमतिको थलो बन्न सक्थ्यो । तर दलहरूभित्रको लोकतान्त्रिक प्रक्रिया ठप्प हुनु र समावेशीको आवरणमा दलीय नोकरशाही एकछत्र हावी हुनाले यो अवसर पनि गुमेको छ । अर्कोतर्फठूलो हल्लाले हलचल ल्याएपछि मात्र प्रभावित हुने नेपाली अधिराज्यको सनातन चरित्रबाट नेपाल राज्य पनि मुक्त हुन नसक्नु अर्को दर्ुभाग्य बन्न पुगेको छ । किन यो राज्य हावा चल्नुअघि र्सतर्क हुन सक्दैन - अथवा न्यूनतम हावा चल्न थालेपछि किन र्सतर्क हुन सक्दैन, हावाले पात झारेपछि मात्र किन यो प्रभावित हुन्छ - मधेसको संर्घषबाट गम्भीर भएर साझा मत निर्माण गर्ने निष्कर्षा पुगेका आठ दलका नेतृत्वले बेलैमा बुभmनर्ुपर्छ अन्य यस्ता धेरै विषय छन्, जसका सम्बन्धमा समय र्घर्किनुअघि नै आठ दलले उदार भएर साझा मत निर्माण गरेकै निको हुनेछ ।
तर्राईका जुन जिल्लामा अहिले अनियन्त्रित अवस्था बनेको छ, यी स्थानमा सांगठनिक हिसाबले दुइ ठूला दलहरू (नेपाली कांग्रेस र नेकपा -एमाले) र्सवाधिक शक्तिशाली छन् । यी दलको घोषित सहभागिता र नेतृत्वविना कसरी यत्रो हलचल उत्पन्न भएको छ - के यी दलले यसको गम्भीर समीक्षा गरेका छन् - के अझै पनि साँठगाँठ थप मजबुत हुनेछ - यसको परिणाम अधिकारको आन्दोलन, मुक्तिको आन्दोलन मुक्तिकामीको चाहना र योजनाविपरीत, षड्यन्त्रकारी साँठगाँठको पोल्टामा पुग्नेछ ।
दोस्रो सम्भावना सत्ता सञ्चालकहरूले तत्कालको राहतको निम्ति बलेको आगोमा पानी हाल्नेछन् । मधेसले जितेको देखिनेछ, तर यो केवल भ्रममात्र हुनेछ । यथार्थमा मधेसभित्रको सानो अभिजातीय समूहले मधेसको नाममा हाल भइरहेको सत्तँ बाँडफाँडमा दर्हो भाग पाउनेछ । यसले सम्पूर्ण मधेसलाई उत्पीडनबाट उन्मुक्ति दिने होइन, मधेसभित्रको सामन्ती सामाजिक अन्तरसम्बन्धलाई थप मजबुत बनाउनेछ, मधेसभित्रको जातीय, लैङ्गकि र वर्गीय विभेदलाई घनीभुत बनाउनेछ अनि सामाजिक न्यायको आर्थिक अवसरमा समानता, भूमिसुधार, लैङ्गकि समानताका संर्घषलाई कुण्ठित पार्नेछ ।
तेस्रो सम्भावना, मधेसमा सल्किएको आगोमा सबैखाले अधिनायकवादी आकांक्षा जलेर ध्वस्त हुनेछन् । आन्दोलनले प्रतिगामी षड्यन्त्रकारी, हिन्दु अतिवादी, विदेशी षड्यन्त्रकारी, सामन्ती र साम्प्रदायिक चिन्तन बोक्ने अभिजातहरूलाई पहिचान गर्दै र पन्छाउँदै व्यापक स्वरूप ग्रहण गर्नेछ । आन्दोलन शालीन हुनेछ, हिंसाको प्रयोग बर्जित हुनेछ, साम्प्रदायिक चिन्तन निषेधित हुनेछ, अन्य अधिकारमुखी आन्दोलनका भेल यही नदीमा मिसिनेछ । यो विराट आन्दोलनले दलहरूलाई यथास्थितिको धङधङीबाट मुक्त पार्नेछ, सम्पूर्णको सहभागितामा अग्रगमनको साझा कार्यसूची तय गर्दै हामी आफ्नै बलमा हाम्रो साझा नेपालको निर्माणमा सँगै अघि बढनेछौं ।
केवल याचना र कामना गरेर मुलुक तेस्रो सम्भावना तर्फ लम्कन सक्दैन । प्रत्येकले आ-आफ्नो भूमिका निर्वाह गर्नैपर्छ । दलहरूले मधेसलगायत अन्य समूहको मागलाई समष्टिगत रूपमा सम्बोधन गर्न अविलम्ब उनीहरूकै सहभागितामा अन्तरिम संविधानमा आवश्यक संशोधनको प्रक्रिया प्रारम्भ गर्नुपर्छ । संघात्मक संरचनाको आधार र स्वरूपको तय निश्चित रूपले संविधासनभाले गर्नेछ तर पनि केन्द्रीकृत संरचनालाई संघात्मक संरचनाले विस्थापित गर्ने अवधाराणात्मक सहमति कायम गर्दै, समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको सुनिश्चितताका साथ बलेको र बल्न सक्ने आगो निभाउनु अनिवार्य छ ।
फेरि पनि मुलुकलाई तेस्रो सम्भावनातिर डोर्याउने हो भने र्सवाधिक महत्त्वको भूमिका आन्दोलनकारी साथीहरूकै छ । तपाईहरूले आन्दोलनलाई जति अहिंस्रक र शालीन बनाउनुहुनेछ, प्रतिगामी चलखेललाई ध्वस्त पार्नुहुनेछ, सामन्ती र अभिजातीय स्वार्थलाई संगठित हुन निषेध गर्नुहुनेछ, अनि सबैभन्दा महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा विषय, साम्प्रदायिक सद्भाव भड्काउने तत्व र चिन्तनलाई नामेट गर्दै साम्प्रदायिक सद्भावलाई थप मजबुत बनाउनुहुनेछ यो मुलुक निःसन्देह तेस्रो सम्भ्ाावनातिर जानेछ । तपाईंहरूकै र्सतर्कता र सक्रियताले साम्प्रदायिक सद्भावलाई मजबुत बनाउनेछ, यी दलहरूले बुझ्न सक्दैनन्- इतिहासलाई सिरानी हालेरमात्र अब कुनै राजनीतिक संगठन बा“च्न सक्दैन । अबको राजनीतिक रंगमञ्चमा राजनीतिक शक्तिहरूको ताकतको निर्धारण केवल इतिहासले मात्र गर्न सक्दैन, यो त धेरै हदसम्म यिनले बोक्ने मुद्दाले तय गर्नेछ ।
काठमाडौंमा नेताहरू भन्नुहुन्छ, मधेसको आन्दोलनमा दरबारिया षड्यन्त्रकारीहरूको ठूलो घुसपैठ छ । मधेसको आन्दोलनमा, जनआन्दोलनले जमिनमुनि गाडिसकेका मर्ुदाहरूको क्रियाशीलताले यो तर्कलाई पुष्टि पनि गर्छ । तर के यो अनपेक्षित थियो र - आफ्नो गुमेको र्स्वर्ग फर्काउन, इतिहासले पन्छाउन लागेका तत्वहरू मधेसमात्र होइन प्रत्येक गौडा ढुकेर बसेका छन् । जहा“ आगो बल्छ यो तत्व घिउ हाल्न पुगिहाल्छ । त्यसैले समाधान आगोमा पानी हाल्नुमात्र होइन, प्रतिगामी नश्लबन्दी गर्ने राजनीतिक इच्छाशक्ति हुनर्ुपर्छ । जनआन्दोलनका दोषीहरूलाई दण्डित गर्नेतर्फहाम्रो उदासीनताले गाडिएका मर्ुदाहरू ब्यु“तिएका हुन् । कस्तो अध्ययन गर्दैछ ओलीको समिति - शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई एम्बुसमा पर्नबाट जोगाउने हो भने सरकार निरीह भएर दरबारिया घुसपैठको अलाप गरेर बस्ने होइन, षड्यन्त्रकारीहरूको जगै भत्काउनर्ुपर्छ । यो सरकारले रायमाझी आयोगको प्रतिवेदनले दोषी ठहराएका राजादेखि राजसेवकसम्मलाई दण्डित गर्ने साहस गर्ने हो भने घुसपैठ र षड्यन्त्रको शृंखलामा यहीँ पूर्णविराम लाग्नेछ । अपराधीहरूलाई खुला छाडेर अपराध नियन्त्रण गर्छु भन्नु हास्यास्पद हुनेछ ।
यो आन्दोलनको माग जति जायज छ, आन्दोलनको शैली त्यति नै नाजायज छ । भोलिको परिणामप्रति त्रास नभएपछि यस्तो शैलीले प्रोत्साहन पाउ“छ । दण्डहीनताको संस्कृति र यसको संस्कृत्रि्रति दलहरूको रक्षात्मक चिन्तनले संर्घषको हिंसात्मक स्वरूपलाई बैधता मिलेको छ । हिजोका अपराधहरूलाई दण्डको घेराभित्र ल्याउने हो भने भोलिको परिणामप्रति व्यक्ति र समुदाय त्रसित हुँदा मात्रै हिंसक र आपराधिक क्रियाकलाप रोकिनेछ । मधेसको आगोले कुनै एक दललाई कमजोर बनाउँदै आफ्नो शक्ति विस्तार गर्नेछ भन्ने चिन्तन कुनै पनि दलको नेतृत्वमा छ भने बेलैमा विगत फर्किएर हेरे हुन्छ । कुनै समय माओवादीको उपस्थितिलाई यसरी विश्लेषण गर्दा आ-आफ्नो स्थिति के थियो, विगतलाई केहीबेर नियाले मात्र पुग्छ ।
मधेसमा देखिएको यो भयानक तनावले यो मुलुकलाई तीन सम्भावनाको माझमा पुर्याएको छ । पहिलो सम्भावना, हाम्रो अक्षमता, अदूरदर्शिता र अपरिपक्वताले गर्दा प्रतिगामी षड्यन्त्रकारी, दक्षिणतिरका धर्मोन्मादी समूह र केही मधेसी अभिजातीय स्वार्थको विभेदरहित नेपाली समाज निर्माणको यात्रालाई मजबुत बनाउनेछ । हामी युवाहरू यो आन्दोलनमा सहभागी हुन चाहन्छौं, सत्तँलाई तपाईंको आवाज सुन्न बाध्य पार्न चाहन्छौं, केवल र्सतर्कताको खाँचो छ, प्रतिगामीहरूबाट सामन्ती साँठगाँठबाट, अतिवादीहरूबाट, साम्प्रदायिक सद्भाव बिटुल्याउनेहरूबाट । हाम्रो चाहना हो जय केही मधेसीहरूको होइन, जय मधेसको हुनुपर्छ, जय केही नेपालीहरूको होइन, सिंगो नेपालको हुनुपर्छ ।
Why Are The Pahadis Quiet?
स्रोत:कान्तिपुर
An Open Letter To Gagan Thapa
Gagan Thapa's Right To Free Speech
Gagan's Talk In New York
A Day In The Life Of Gagan Thapa
The Man, The Myth, The Legend: Gagan Thapa
Gagan Thapa October 22 Saturday 2 PM Columbia University
Gagan Thapa Talk In Boston: Two Hours Audio
Gagan Thapa US Tour
Gagan Thapa Amerika Tour
Renaming The Blog In Honor Of Gagan's Release
Gagan Thapa Released
Chargesheeting Gagan: This Regime Has Gone Berserk
Gagan Thapa Feels Unsafe In Jail
Gagan Thapa Case Taken To The United Nations
Gagan Thapa Arrested Again
Gagan Thapa Arrested, Deuba Re-Arrested
Gagan Thapa starts in a patronizing tone. He says the Madhesi Movement has been isolated in a few Terai districts. That is offensive. The Madhesi Movement has engulfed all of the Madhesh for a week now. All towns, all villages have risen up. Is that not obvious?
The just demands of the Madhesi Movement have to be met in their own right. They should not be met just so the constituent assembly elections can take place. The constituent assembly elections are the goal of the Madhesi Movement. This suggestion that somehow the Madhesi Movement aims to disturb the constituent assembly elections is offensive. The fundamental goal of the Madhesi Movement is to secure proportional representation in the constituent assembly elections. Can't you see?
The Madhesi understand the fundamental importance of the constituent assembly elections. It is from that very understanding that the Madhesi Movement has emerged.
Otherwise Gagan's critique of the peace process is apt. The whole thing has been too opaque, too cliquish. And that process has given rise to an interim constitution that is fundamentally offensive to the Madhesi, and so the Madhesi rose.
This uprising has put the Madhesi in the leadership position of the DaMaJaMa movement for social justice. We have the steering wheel now.
Gagan Thapa is one of the faces of the April Revolution. Me and many others like me in the diaspora were with him through thick and thin. He more than most people should be able to see that this Madhesi Movement is April Revolution, Part 2. He has not exhibited the guts to do so.
Gagan Thapa played a major role in the April Revolution, so did I. The difference is he is Pahadi, I am Madhesi. The Pahadi media in Kathmandu will publish his articles, it will not publish mine. They know me too well. Paramendra Bhagat, Convenor, Coordination Committee, Nepali Organizations In New York City. New York City, the city that never sleeps, capital city of the world.
My Role In The April Revolution: The Butterfly Effect
At some level Gagan seems to buy into the Pahadi propaganda that somehow the unrest in the Terai might be something to do with royalists and the like. The Madhesi Movement challenges the Pahadi establishment declare Nepal a republic now. I can't see how you can think this Madhesi Movement will somehow push back other progressive agendas, be that land reform, or gender relations. That would be like suggesting the April Revolution could have pushed back the causes of democracy and human rights. Just like the April Revolution has made the Madhesi Movement possible, the Madhesi Movement will make possible other movements in the Terai to do with more specific groups within.
Gagan talks about the actors of the Madhesi Movement as "they." That is honest. He is admitting he is Pahadi, and that the Madhesi are a whole different group.
It is not the Madhesi community's fault that this Koirala government has not brought to justice the villains of the April Revolution. Don't blame the Madhesi Movement for the lack of guts on your part. Declare a republic now. That is what the Madhesi Movement wants.
Gagan observes that the Madhesi Movement has caught fire in districts that have traditionally been bastions of the Nepali Congress and the UML. What Gagan is not admitting is that the Madhesi Movement will electorally annihilate those parties in those districts, come election time.
Dear Friends,
I just got information from Janakpur that There were
about 40-50 live gun shots at near the Janaki Mandir
only and other places unlimited shots.
Plenty of dead bullets were found on road.
Mr. Vijay Thakur from Ratauli or Banauli had gunshot
injury to his leg. He is in critical condition and
doctors are telling his family that he may need
surgery like amputation of his leg. Very sad.
About 80-100 people got injured by Police firing.
There was meeting of Human rights group in Janakpur
under leadership of Dr. Devendra Raj Panday and his 13
memebers team. Several Political Party's acticvists
participated in that 3 hr long meeting. They also
visited the different places in Janakpur and met
several local political leaders. Several political
parties have supported the genuine demand of
Teraibashi and they are going to rally in support of
it with demand of early and peaceful solution of
legitimate demands. UML and NC(D) are in favour of
supporting the demand and bring the procession in
Janakpur today.
NC is still unable to make any comment yet.
Lets pray for peace and early solution of problem.
> Good thinking. Can you say that after that as mentioned by you, in your
>statement, Nepal will be a peaceful country ? Can we live here peacefully
>? Is it possible that there will be co-ordial relations between all the
>Nepaleses ? Thanks for your good statement, which I studied.
>
> _______
>
>__________
> Dear all
>
>Terai is boiling inside and if the source of energy is not cut in time it
>will spill over and spoil all the efforts of Nepalese that we put together
>in last one year to build new nepal. I have been reading news and views of
>friends and could not stop myself writing few words.
>
>Its pity that another unrest has started in Terai region seeking some
>genuine demands like a federal state and a proportionate electoral system
>in
>the Constituent Assembly. Even Prachand, MKN and all mighty GP agrees with
>it. But i could not understand what is hindring them to commit to it to the
>people of terai through joint statement that they will ammend the interim
>constitution within few weeks time frame. It will certainly slow down the
>pace of demonstration to large extent if not completely. Majority of the
>Madhesi's will start beleiving the state and feel their ownership in the
>state. In contrast, the leaders are giving irresponsible statement
>regarding
>the involvement of royalists and hindu fundamentalist. Even Jwala singh and
>Goit faction of Moaoists will have to think twice before announcing any
>demonstration if those demands are met and if the state commit that other
>demands like inclusion in state functionaries will be met in next during
>interim or post constituent assemble election era.
>
>The basic fact is the political parties and leaders have lost their
>credibility with the people of Terai in due course of time and needs to
>renue their relationship as their servant and not as master. I am confident
>that the issues will be solved in few days and Terai will again be equally
>peaceful safe heaven to live in as other parts of Nepal.
>
>Thank you
>
>______
ROYALISTS FISH IN TERAI TROUBLE Calcutta Telegraph, India The April-2006 uprising in Nepal had three objectives: a peaceful resolution of the Maoist insurgency; an end to the king’s autocratic rule; and the restructuring of the Nepalese state.While the first aim of the popular uprising has virtually been achieved, it is the fate of the monarchy and the restructuring of the state, which continue to pose major political challenges. ......... Nepal’s Terai is on fire. There have been disturbances in Siraha, Saptari, Janakpur, Biratnagar, Inaruwa, Birganj, Rautahat, Bara and other districts of the Terai adjoining the Indian border. ....... The statues of the democratic movement — B.P. Koirala, Manmohan Adhikary and Ganesh Mansingh — are being deliberately targeted and damaged. In Rautahat, the ancestral house of Madhav Kumar Nepal, general secretary of the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), was set on fire. There is police firing and dawn-to-dusk curfew in several towns. The grievances of the Madhesis are genuine. These Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi-speaking Nepalese, who look, dress and talk like their neighbours in India, are often derisively referred to as “Indians”. They have been systematically excluded from the political process and till recently denied Nepalese citizenship. ........ Brahmins and Rajputs (Bahuns and Chhetris) from the hills dominate Nepal’s state and politics. Although the Madhesis officially comprise 35 per cent of the population, they are grossly under-represented in the political parties. ........ none of the parties have any Madhesis as their national office bearers. ...... The presence of Madhesis in their central committee or national executive is nowhere near adequate. Moreover, the national parties have tended to field non-Madhesi candidates from the Terai constituencies ...... Their district presidents in the Terai are mostly Paharis. The representation of the Terai in parliament is also lopsided because of the size of a constituency has no relation to the number of voters. In the hilly areas, there are constituencies with only 5,000 voters, while in the Terai, a single constituency can have over 5 lakh voters. ....... The Madhesis are also under-represented in the army, the police and in civilian administration. In the army, there are hardly any Madhesi commissioned officers. There are well-educated Madhesi doctors and engineers in Nepal but there is not a single Madhesi chief district officer in any of the 75 districts of the country. ....... fear that in the course of building a new Nepal, they may be left out once again ....... there is a lot of support among the people of the Terai for the struggle for Madhesi rights as well as other issues such as a unified Terai, land reforms, citizenship, increase in development aid and accountability for past discrimination. It is unlikely that these agitations will die down through police repression, as the issues that are being raised are not law and order problems. ....... Former schoolteacher, Upendra Yadav, a former activist of CPN (UML), leads the third group called the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum. ....... What seems clear to the Madhesis, however, is that if there is going to be power-sharing in the new Nepal, then they have to be accommodated in the constituent assembly. Their chance of making their presence felt in Nepal’s politics and gain fair representation in the administration and the political process is staring them in the face. .... It makes no sense for the Madhesi leadership to now push the royalist agenda. ...... Should the Terai be one province or three, based on language and ethnic differences? Should Nepalese federalism unite the Paharis and the Madhesis or divide them? The federal model Nepal chooses should unite the masses.
