- Sick of receiving Madhesi newsletter and Bhagat's blog shit xdx on 11/13/2006
- Why Madhesi Issue is so important? 680 Anand on 1/9/2007
Madheshis had a lot of expectations from the recent Janandolan-II. Madheshis expected more than mere announcement of distribution of Citizenships certificate to eligible Madheshis. The Madheshis expected, at least, the fulfillment of promises (Federalism and Participation in all sphere of institutions) from all power players and policy makers.
By Ram Manohar Sah
Tharu had proper kingdom and setup in Dang in 1843 BC. Dang was conquered and handed over to Salyan, and thus integrated under the flag of Nepal. For some historical period, some portion of Tharu land (Banke, Bardia, Kailali and Kanchanpur) moved to Indian territory. After it was reintegrated into Nepal, it was treated as personal property by ruling Rana Class. Tharu, originally inhabitants of Dang, were displaced from the place under coercion, and thus, were compelled to become Kamaiya. The freed land was then filled with people from a specific ethnic group.
For the administrative purpose the word "Madhesh" was promoted in the past. “Madhesh bandobast adda” was constituted, with different set of laws, rules & regulation, to monitor districts as western Terai, Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa and Rautahat during Rana-rule. This administrative structure to divide Madhesh from the rest of the country was prevalent till Rana-rule. Madheshis had to obtain visa to enter hilly region, including Kathmandu in Rana's period. The discriminating administrative attitude toward Madheshis had, thus, given rise to different identities among Madheshis other than being attached to Nepal.
Till Rana regime, it seemed that Nepal Government was influenced by British rulers in India, and was governing Madhesh like a colony.
Even the Post-Rana regime has not created conducive environment for Madhesis. Nepal Government continued to have separate administrative block for Madhesh (“Madhesh Goswara Ain”) till 1955 AD. After the Malaria eradication in 1954 AD, then Nepal Government initiated special movement of rehabilitating and settlement, through distributing land to landless. This project was aimed at benefiting a certain set of people along the ethnic line, and was termed as “paharization of the Tarai” by N. R. Shrestha. In the name of land reform, Nepal Government confiscated lands from Teraian farmers by imposing ceiling in 1964 AD, and was distributed to people from different geographical region, neglecting the local landless peoples. These incidences only promoted the ethnicity and regionalism. The spirit of land reform is increasing productivity of agriculture goods, which requires consolidation of land holding, rather than redistribution to many farmers.
If Madhesh was part of Nepal, then why Madheshis have not been given any chance to prove their patriotism in Nepali Army, the most patriotic institution of the country? As noted by a former Nepalese PM, Madheshis were not suited for army because Madheshis are not healthy and fit. If this argument stands true, Madhesh (said to be rice bowl) are facing "hidden hunger" (intakes of nutrition deficit diet) and need nutrition and health care from Nepal Government.
Maoist respected Madheshis, in contrast to Government belief, and gave them military responsibility in PLA (People Liberation Army). But unfortunately, Maoists reiterated the same theme, as rest of the previous rulers. Maoists used the same word “Madheshi”, the most hated word among madheshis. Madheshis need more respectful words for its identification, not “Madheshi”, which sometimes were even used in worse manners like, “Madhesiya” and “Marsiya”, with the twisted tongue.
Madheshis had a lot of expectations from the recent Janandolan-II. Madheshis expected more than mere announcement of distribution of Citizenships certificate to eligible Madheshis. The Madheshis expected, at least, fulfillment of promises (Federalism and Participation in all sphere of institutions) from all power players and policy makers. But the constitution of all the recently formed high level teams, political appointments and negotiation teams has underscored the Old Testament. On the frontal note, the so-called involvement of Government mechanism in Nepalgunj has not received any convincing clarification from current care-taking Government. This collective act has created breeding ground for the likes of JTMM.
Even after the cry from madheshi MP's, Nepal Government has not initiated talks with JTMM (either factions, Goit and Jwala). Government has not even reciprocated the call from JTMM to sit for negotiation. DPM Sherchen’s disclosure of having handed over the duty of handling JTMM issue to the Maoists, itself raised many questions. First, whether Government is incompetent to take-up national issue on its own. Second, why Maoists should handle JTMM issue, when both of them had problematic relationships between them? Third, whether Government has given green signal to Maoists to use its bullying tactics against JTMM. If we consider Maoist strategy of letting Government reinstall police force in Madhesh, then the whole issue of Madheshi gets complicated, in the light of opposition of such strategy by JTMM.
JTMM is now calling for the separate country based on ethnicity and regionalism line. JTMM has used the same ethnicity and regionalism issue, as it was there at the time of King Prithivi Narayan Shah, Rana Rule, and Post-Rana rule. JTMM came into existence two years back, but people have only started to notice it now, when it has landed up in bloody conflict. Whole county is fearing about division along ethnicity and regionalism, but the timing is wrong; the issue which should have been discussed long back in 1774 AD is starting now, but it’s not late yet. But, is the Government serious? If not armed JTMM, is the Government then finding any serious group among Madheshis, with whom Government wants to discuss Madheshis’ needs? But the recent concern of OHCHR (UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights), regarding arrest and detention of Madheshi activists from peaceful protest organized by MPRF (Madheshi People's Right Forum), shows lack of seriousness of Government.
Post-Rana rule, Nepal has seen a lot of development. A lot of National and International investment came in different sectors of country. But Nepal Government has never asked Madhesis of their need. Government of Nepal has always used “Madheshis” in the opportunistic way, be it as faculties in Kirtipur, or as teachers in different schools, or as agriculturists for feeding the rest of the country, or revenue from madhesh as remittance for rest of the country.
Madheshis need sound economy, which will act in symbiotic relationship with rest of the country, but don’t need host-parasite relationship. Madheshis need agriculture infrastructures, which can produce surplus food grains above national requirements that can generate foreign exchange for the country. Madheshis need more and more employment opportunities in its land, where they can still accommodate job aspirants from rest of the country. Madheshis need administrative power; to build Madheshi society based on its local value, ethos, culture and identity.
Its not the only Nepal Government, but the whole country, which has to show confidence in Madheshis. The Madheshis need more respectful acceptance in Nepal, before Madheshis start finding some meaning in JTMM preaching. Madhesis need more respectful words for their salutation, than the word "Madheshi", which gives a connotation of being away from own homeland.
(Currently studying in India , the author hails from Janakpur and can be reached at rmsah@yahoo.com )
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But things are never quite that simple. My forefathers on both sides are from Bihar, where we still have deep family links. My paternal grandfather settled in Rajbiraj, became a Nepali citizen six decades ago, and made the great leap to Kathmandu as it was getting out of the Rana rut in the 50s. I speak a mix of Hindi, English, and Maithili at home, in that order. My spoken Nepali is heavily interspersed with English and Hindi words. Reading the national language is a struggle and I don’t plan to attempt writing in it anytime soon.
Language is a more substantive marker of distinction than we often acknowledge. In school, anticipating the move to India for further education, I opted for Hindi over Nepali. In class six, the significance of that hit home. While eating lunch, a friend said, in a mix of seriousness and jest, “You are a dhoti”. When I discovered that the term—definitely derogatory—was associated with madhesis, who in turn were equated with Indians, I tried hard to run away from my identity. I hung around with Kathmandu kids, called the other Indians in school ‘dhoti’, and rationalised studying Hindi by saying it was what my parents wanted.
But I couldn’t run too far. The differences were too many: we went vegetarian during Dushera as Kathmandu feasted on meat; we didn’t do tika; Tihar was the one-day Diwali for me. My father, short and on the darker side, made it a point to wear kurta-pyjama. It was a dress I took to later and that, with the accented Nepali and the surname, often provoked the remark that we don’t look Nepali. Telling people constantly that you are indeed a Nepali citizen is not pleasant.
It’s taken me time to come to terms with my identity. My liberal education and understanding of how the homogenising tendency works in society, and a sense of security, no doubt helped by the present political discourse of inclusiveness, allows me to be candid about my background. It gives me the confidence to give the brush off to those who question my ‘Nepaliness’. In the last few years, I have reported occasionally on Nepal politics, which also gives me an added sense of citizenship and belonging.
My story is not representative. My family migrated from south of the border, while others’ ancestors have been in the tarai for centuries. I was comfortable in English, the language of power, and moved out, which together allowed me to escape the handicap of not being Nepali enough for the self-appointed guardians of nationalism in the Valley. Besides some taunts and subtle insinuations, I was never deprived of opportunity. But spare a thought for the person who speaks only Maithili, Awadhi, Bhojpuri or, at best, Hindi, who lives, in the tarai, with the stigma of not ‘being Nepali’, has cultural practices distinct from the mid-hill mainstream, does not have access to the power structure, has memories of being mercilessly exploited through history, and whose identity brings discrimination and deprivation even today. Don’t blame them for being alienated from the system. Understand the anger. Empathise with the bitterness.
A few weeks ago, a columnist in these pages, in a style reminiscent of national integration Panchayat textbooks, carped against the ‘divisiveness’ sparked by politicians, and asserted that he was a ‘Nepali first’. Whatever that means. How about creating conditions for those down south to have the comfort of saying that?
Prashant Jha is the Delhi-based assistant editor of Himal Southasian.
Ram Manohar Sah: Game Theory and Madhesi Dilemma
The changing political condition in Nepal after Democracy reinstallation through Janandolan - II, has accelerated the political debate in different issues of Nepal. One issue, that no major political party wants to discuss full hearty at the moment is the Madhesis and their different rights. Among the different issues of madhesis, the highly debated is whether madhesis should be given right to rule themselves?
There are many supporting arguments and counter arguments from all section of society. Starting with the counter argument, people doubt about the very concept of restructuring of state and dilution of central power in small country like Nepal. The next set of people is not against restructure but argues against restructuring based on caste, creed, culture, and language basis. Some other set of people are totally against giving any kind of rights to any other people other than khas-brahmin. But whatever they argue, may be they have their own assumptions and logic behind each theories, the problems do not seems to be vanishing.
Trying to see this problem in Game theory perspective, one will get some quantitative and scientific insight about the people dynamics in the state politics. The prison's dilemma theory of game theory says that, if one prison has any doubt on his/her counter part giving confession to police, then game theory suggests never ever believe on your counter part behavior. The model says that, in this condition, if you take decision giving priority to individual benefit, then the payoff you get is always greater than other party. Strategist suggests, always think for individual benefit, and do not work for collective profit, when in doubt about cooperation from companion.
Game Theory – The Classic Game is Prisoners’ Dilemma
Given the current strain condition between madhesis and paharis, it’s very difficult to trust each other. One may, for assurance sake, argue any thing. But the real fact is paharis had shown no fate on madhesis since last more than 260 years. As a result of which, madhesis could not find any responsibility in state defense, diplomacy, administration, and government representation. On the other hand, madhesi experience of paharis attitude and behavior for last 260 years has made them perceive this attitude as colonial strategy of pahari, which madhesi is not unwilling to accept any more. Breaking the deadlock of last 260, madhesis are asking right to rule themselves.
Explaining in term of Prisoner’s dilemma, madhesis are also facing dilemma. Madhesi's are not able to make strategy for future course, whether they should maintain status quo or march forward for non cooperation. Applying Game theory, one can predict that, the outcome will be the strategy for protecting individual interest. Madhesi and pahari, each one will apply individual rationality, and thus will maximize individual payoff. In the condition of mutual doubt, the resulting outcome is no-cooperation with each other, ultimately resulting in a more strain which can finally lead to a political and geographical line between madhesis and paharis.
The local version of game theory is also quite common.. It is said that, 1 and 1 when comes together, can make power of 11. But, it is only possible if both of them work and cooperate with each other. But if any group betrays, then there will be unequal division of payoff, i.e one group taking more that 5.5 point of payoff from power. This is where discontent arises. If the suppressed group continues to get less than 5.5 point of payoff from power, the relationship will not last longer.
This is the condition between madhesis and paharis right now. Paharis want to take more share of payoff, where as the relationship is believed to be on equality basis. Now even if madhesis is getting some payoff on investment of 1 but is less than 5.5 point of payoff from power, madhesis will not want to be in relationship any further.
The above two concept explains to most extend, the strategy madhesis will adopt further. State restructuring will be the minimum and first step in this direction. Given that majority madhesis are distributed along a specific geography, state restructuring will only ensure of regional administrative equality, but other issues that will be left are participation in state defense, diplomatic and central resource planning & distribution.
Ram Manohar
