Nepal’s Peace Agreement: Making it Work

Asia Report N°126
15 December 2006

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Nepal’s government and Maoist rebels have signed a comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) declaring an end to the ten-year civil war, paving the way for inclusion of the rebels in mainstream politics and June 2007 elections to an assembly that is to write a new constitution. The deal has been welcomed by an optimistic public but implementation will not be straightforward: some central questions remain, and there is a serious risk the elections could be delayed, putting strain on the whole process. The UN has very high credibility but it will not last indefinitely, especially if there are delays. International support for its monitoring of both the two armies and the elections will be critical.

The peace agreement charts a course towards elections for a constituent assembly (CA) following formation of an interim legislature and government including the Maoists. In a detailed agreement on arms management, the Maoists have committed to cantonment of their fighters and locking up their weapons under UN supervision; the Nepalese Army (NA) will be largely confined to barracks. The constituent assembly, to be elected through a mixed first-past-the-post and proportional system, will also decide the future of the monarchy.

The CPA was signed on 21 November 2006 after months of slow progress following the success of the April 2006 mass movement that overturned King Gyanendra’s direct rule. The talks were sporadic and at one point came close to collapse. The Seven-Party Alliance (SPA) government was criticised for a lack of urgency and clarity; the Maoists pursued negotiations with more coherence but paid less attention to democratic methods. The process has now delivered significant results but some of the problems that characterised it since April – primarily a lack of solid dialogue mechanisms, poor facilitation, little attention to confidence-building and an opaque, elite-driven approach – may continue to dog the next stages.

The deal has its origins in the November 2005 SPA-Maoist agreement signed in New Delhi, which provided a basis for the April movement and a guiding framework for subsequent compromises. However, it represents a temporary convergence of interests more than a permanent shift in the underlying outlooks and interests of the sides. The SPA and the Maoists retain different visions for Nepal’s future institutions, and individual parties’ electoral interests will come increasingly to the fore. The peace accord will not in itself alter the exclusionary characteristics of public life or deliver urgently needed economic progress.

The significant remaining hurdles will all be exacerbated if elections are postponed:

Weak governance. Post-April confusion turned into a worrying power vacuum across the country, which the Maoists were quick to exploit. The government has failed to re-establish law and order and democratic governance. Control over the civil service, election commission and distribution of local posts – always key bones of contention for mainstream parties – may be particularly intense in the run-up to CA elections.

No deal on security structures. The Maoists want their fighters to be half of a new, downsized national force while the NA still wants them entirely disarmed. Neither army sees itself as defeated, so compromise will be difficult, and lack of progress may cause unrest among cantoned Maoist soldiers. With the NA suspicious of the peace process and yet to embrace democratic control, the Maoist demand for more solid guarantees is understandable.

Maoist behaviour. At least until November, the Maoists continued extortions and abductions while showing little sign they are ready for meaningful power sharing and opening up of democratic space. Demilitarising their politics will require more than just laying down weapons; without this, chances for free and fair elections are limited.

International involvement in the peace process has been mostly low-profile and supportive. The government and Maoists have asked the UN to take on new tasks and provide immediate assistance, and public expectations are high. But getting an effective monitoring force on the ground quickly will be a challenge: questions of mandate, funding, logistics and staffing need to be resolved quickly.

Nevertheless, the peace process has some momentum, which gives good grounds for Nepalis’ optimism. With continued compromise, political will and solid international support, a lasting peace is possible. Apart from shaping future institutional arrangements, the talks have agreed proposals for social and economic transformation – topics of immense public concern. However, only free and fair elections can give a government the necessary decisive mandate. Nothing should be allowed to put them off.

Recommendations

To the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist):

1. Build on the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) by:

(a) resolving remaining differences quickly and establishing the specified joint bodies and commissions, including, in particular, agreement on the scope and format of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission;

(b) setting realistic timetables for the remainder of the process, including fallback plans if the constituent assembly elections must be postponed;

(c) managing public expectations and disseminating information about the CPA; and

(d) developing provisional arrangements to take urgent decisions as necessary by alternative mechanisms such as joint working groups so any delays in forming an interim government do not stall the peace process.

2. Develop quickly plans to re-establish local governance and rule of law by:

(a) prioritising re-establishment of effective policing, including by involving local Maoist militias in helping to manage the transition in areas they currently control;

(b) deciding on a power-sharing mechanism to restore local government, deliver services and, where appropriate, deal with donors on implementation of local projects; and

(c) proceeding with proposed local peace councils only if they fulfil clearly defined functions which do not make them rival institutions to legitimate local government.

3. Build confidence on military matters by:

(a) establishing effective bilateral frameworks for joint planning on cantonment management and working with donors willing to support the cantonment process;

(b) addressing longer-term army restructuring and merging of Maoist fighters into the national army by establishing a joint committee as soon as the interim government is formed (as specified in the CPA) and proceeding with informal discussions until that date;

(c) developing further confidence-building and dialogue mechanisms that include commanders of both armed forces and working to ensure their active support for the peace process and professional input into discussions over their future form; and

(d) Making the NA-PLA-UN Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee an effective mechanism not just for monitoring agreement compliance but also for developing lower-level coordination to deal with potentially destabilising incidents such as natural disasters or public unrest.

4. Make the next stages of the peace process more inclusive by:

(a) actively seeking public input, including canvassing the views of conflict victims, without assuming that self-appointed groups are necessarily fully representative;

(b) encouraging independent voter education initiatives in the run-up to the constituent assembly elections;

(c) fulfilling promises to ensure fair representation of all marginalised groups (in interim bodies, as candidates for election and in negotiating teams, working groups, joint commissions and the like) and setting up a monitoring body or interim legislature committee to report on implementation;

(d) Expanding public forums, focus groups and local consultation sessions to reach out to communities which have difficulty making their voice heard in the capital and considering holding interim legislature sessions and other such meetings outside the capital;

(e) ensuring key decisions involve all SPA members, not only the top Nepali Congress Party and Maoist leaders, and encouraging broader debate, for example by recognising an official opposition within the interim legislature and consulting with non-SPA parties; and

(f) considering creation of a commission to broaden input into the new constitution-drafting process.

5. Investigate and resolve, as promised, all outstanding cases of alleged disappearances and cooperate in the investigation of criminal acts and war crimes committed during the conflict.

To the Government of Nepal:

6. Prepare for the formation of the interim government by completing implementation of existing policies, including:

(a) strengthening democratic control of the security sector by dissolving the palace military secretariat, bringing royal guards under the Nepalese Army chain of command, halting army recruitment and investigating, as promised, disappearances and other abuses alleged to have been carried out by the security forces;

(b) seeking advice from all concerned groups on implementation of the Rayamajhi Commission report and starting a wider public debate on acceptable forms of transitional justice; and

(c) reducing the size of the palace secretariat and bringing it within the mainstream civil service.

To the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist):

7. Immediately cease all activities that contravene recent agreements and international law and ensure that affiliated and subsidiary organisations do the same, including:

(a) ending extortion, intimidation and abduction;

(b) halting military recruitment and ensuring the prompt discharge of any soldiers younger than eighteen;

(c) recognising that the Maoist “new regime” is now defunct and disbanding all parallel government structures, including indirect mechanisms such as regional fronts;

(d) allowing the police, as agreed in the CPA, to maintain order and investigate criminal activities;

(e) assisting the return home of all conflict-displaced individuals (IDPs) if they wish and expediting the return of seized property; and

(f) demobilising local militia and ensuring they do not act as a parallel police force.

To India, the U.S., the European Union and Other Members of the International Community:

8. Maintain basic coordination, building on the consensus that restoration of rule of law and democratic space across the country is the top priority, and keep pressure on both sides to work towards a genuinely pluralist culture guaranteeing full civil and political rights.

9. Support the UN monitoring mission by:

(a) personnel, including by identifying and preparing candidates as soon as possible;

(b) visible political encouragement, especially from missions in Kathmandu; and

(c) cooperation with the UN to open local political space through coordinated civil affairs and police advisory assistance.

10. Provide effective development, reconstruction and other post-conflict assistance, including by:

(a) employing strict criteria, especially at the local level, when distributing aid to re-establish local governance, and releasing funds only when measurable targets are met, such as redeploying police or getting Village Development Committee secretaries in place and working;

(b) prioritising assistance that supports the opening of political space and the rule of law, even over aid for such security matters as cantonments and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR);

(c) ensuring that proposed projects have the buy-in of all parties in the peace process;

(d) supporting the electoral process with money, helping the UN monitoring mission (which may be best placed to coordinate electoral assistance) and building the capacity of the Electoral Commission also beyond the immediate round of polls; and

(e) helping the government develop, including through extensive consultations, a plan for transitional justice that gives citizens a range of options to choose from and can gain broad public support.

Former CJ Upadhyaya to head NHRC

Interim constitution only after verification of Maoist arms and armies
Eight-party unity will continue: MK Nepal
Eight parties express commitment towards refugee repatriation

ICJ warns of dire consequence if CA polls postponed

Prachanda's praise for India creates illusion among masses: Indian Maoists
GDP in SA to expand by 8.2% in 2006, economic activities slowed in Nepal: WB

‘Change in Indo-Nepal trade treaty as per Nepal’s terms’ Kantipur Online, Nepal
India to adopt utmost flexibility in trade talks with Nepal Zee News, India
Black Flags Greet Madhav Nepal in Rautahat Himalayan Times, Nepal
"Maoists can emulate Nepal model" Hindu, India
Nepal closest of all: PranabPeaceJournalism.com

Maoists give 10-day ultimatum to issue interim statute Kantipur
Nepalis in India demand separate Gorkha State
Maoist-called strike cripples normal life across nation
Joint monitoring team's visit cancelled after Maoists walk off
PM requests a reluctant Upadhyay to head NHRC
Maoists, police clash in Mahottari
Business blooms in Maoist camps the demand for FM radio sets has suddenly gone up. ..... "I managed to sell radio sets worth eight thousand rupees in just four days." .... "The Maoists come asking for FM radio sets which cost around three hundred to four hundred rupees" .... Another Maoist guerilla revealed that comrades prefer listening to lokdohori (folk duets) and romantic songs, besides news bulletins. ..... According to divisional commander Suk Bahadur Rokka Magar, the fighters might have managed to buy the radios with savings on from their monthly allowance of Rs 600.
Growing inequality, a challenge for S Asia
Maternal mortality major problem in Nepal: World Disaster Report
Nepathya to tour the nation
Govt recommends ambassadors
I am ready to take oath from interim parliament: Chief Justice
US Embassy warns of visa scams
चेपाङ स्कुललाई सहयोग
मुगु एक्सरेविहीन
मन्त्रीका तोकमा कार्यकर्ता भर्ना
विमानमा नेपालीलाई छुट्टै व्यवहार
ब्यारेकमा धर्ना
गाउँघरसम्म राज्य
अधिकार ँराजा’ बन्न होइन
संवेदनशील महिला-पुरुष सम्बन्ध
माओवादीद्वारा प्रशासनिक काममा रोक
शान्तिपछि व्यापार बढ्दो
पुनःसंरचनाको प्रारूप नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसले राज्य पुनःसंरचनाको खाका तयार गर्न केन्द्रीय सदस्य डा रामवरण यादवको संयोजकत्वमा कार्यदल गठन गरेको छ । ...... "राज्यको चरत्रि सङ्घात्मक हुनेछ भने शासन प्रणाली केन्द्र, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको बीचमा अधिकार र कर्तव्यको स्पष्ट बाँडफाँट गरएिको स्वशासनको ढाँचामा आधारति हुनेछ," एमालेले आफ्नो अवधारणामा भनेको छ, "नयाँ राजनीतिक र प्रशासनिक एकाइको विभाजन गर्दाचाहिँ भौगोलिक अवस्  िथति, जनसङ् ख्या र जातिगत बसोवासको अवस् था, मातृभाषा र भाषाको प्रयोगको अवस्था, सांस्कृतिक सम्मिलनको अवस् था, प्रशासनिक सुगमता, आर्थिक-सामाजिक अन्तरसम्बन्ध, साधन-स्रोतको उपलब्धता र ऐतिहासिकताजस्ता पक्षलाई आधार बनाइनेछ ।" ...... "सङ्घीय संरचनाको विषयमा महाधिवेशनले औपचारकि निर्णय गरसिकेको छ," महामन्त्री विमलेन्द्र निधि भन्छन्, "अबचाहिँ त्यसको विस्तृत स्वरूप तयार गर्न कार्यदल गठन गर्छांै ।" ...... जनमोर्चाका नेता पर िथापा भन्छन्, "अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्बन्ध, राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा, मुद्राबाहेक अरू सबै अधिकार जातीय, क्षेत्रीय स् वशासनलाई दिनुपर्छ । ....... "केन्द्रले परराष्ट्र, सुरक्षा र मौदि्रक नीतिबाहेक सबै कुराहरू सङ्घलाई दिनुपर्छ । यसो भएमा मात्रै स् वशासनको प्रत्याभूति हुन्छ ।" ...... माले महासचिव सीपी मैनालीका शब्दमा हालको सामन्ती, केन्द्रीकृत, खसजाति केन्दि्रत, पितृसत्तात्मक, औपनिवेशिक प्रभावमा रहको एकात्मक राज्य संरचनालाई बदल्नु नै पुनःसंरचना हो । "त्यसैले केन्द्रीकृत राज्यको सट्टा जातीय-क्षेत्रीय स्वशासन दिनुपर्छ" ...... पार्टीगत हिसाबले नेपाल सद्भावना पार्टी (आनन्दीदेवी) र नेकपा (माओवादी) ले मात्रै सङ्घीय स्वरूप तोकेका छन् । भौगोलिक क्षेत्रका हिसाबले पूर्व पहाडी प्रदेश, केन्द्रीय पहाडी प्रदेश, पश्चिम पहाडी प्रदेश, पूर्व तराई र पश्चिम तराई गरी पाँच प्रान्त बनाउने र हिन्दीलाई नेपाली भाषासरह सम्पर्क भाषाको दर्जा दिनेदेखि राज्यका विभिन्न तहमा मधेशी समुदायका लागि ५० प्रतिशत आरक्षण दिनुपर्ने प्रस्ताव सद्भावना पार्टीको छ । ....... माओवादीको स्थानीय निकायसम्बन्धी निर्देशिकामा केन्द्रीय सत्ताबाहेक नेपालमा सातवटा जातीय र दुईवटा क्षेत्रीय गरी नौवटा स्वायत्त प्रदेशहरू रहने उल्लेख छ । र, ती प्रत्येक राज्यभित्र जिल्लास्तरीय र गाउँ नगर गरी दुई तहका स्थानीय ढाँचा रहने पनि सो पार्टीको जिकिर छ । ...... "काङ्ग्रेस वैज्ञानिक ढङ्गबाट जान चाहन्छ," डा यादव भन्छन्, "अरू पार्टी हडबडाएर कुरा गररिहेका छन् । उनीहरूलाई धेरै क्रान्तिकारी बन्नु छ । जे मन लाग्छ, त्यही बोलिरहेका छन् । " उनका अनुसार, संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनअघि काङ्ग्रेसले पनि आफ्नो विस्तृत विवरणसहितको ठोस अवधारणा बाहिर ल्याउनेछ । काङ्ग्रेस (प्रजातान्त्रिक) का महामन्त्री निधिचाहिँ अन्तरमि संविधान र शान्ति वार्तामा अलमल भएकाले राज्यको पुनःसंरचनामा पार्टीहरूले गृहकार्य गर्न नसकेको स्वीकार गर्छन् । ..... भूगोलविद् डा पीताम्बर शर्माले छवटा सङ्घ र त्यसअन्तर्गत १९ जिल्लाको प्रस्  ताव गरेका छन् । ...... नेपालको जातीय मामिलाका जानकार गोविन्द न्यौपानेले जातीयतालाई आधार बनाउँदै ११ प्रदेशमा विभाजन गरेका छन् भने महेन्द्र लावतीले पनि १३ प्रदेशमा विभाजन गरेका छन् । डा हर्क गुरुङले २५ वटा विकास जिल्लाको प्रस्ताव अघि सारेका थिए । एमाले केन्द्रीय सदस्य राजेन्द्र श्रेष्ठले १४ वटा प्रदेशको अवधारणा ल्याएका छन् भने अर्का केन्द्रीय सदस् य शङ्कर पोखरेलले १५ वटा प्रदेशसहितको प्रस् ताव अघि सारेका छन् । प्राध्यापक कृष्ण खनालले चाहिँ समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वका लागि १४ वटा निर्वाचन क्षेत्रहरूको प्रस्ताव गरेका छन् । ...... मुलुकको कुनै पनि क्ष्ाेत्रमा कुनै एक जातको सघन बसोवास नभएकाले माओवादीको जातीय स् वशासनको अवधारणा अवैज्ञानिक भएको जिकिर अन्य दलहरूले गररिहेका छन् । ........ ३५ लाखभन्दा बढी जनसङ्ख्या भएका क्षेत्रीदेखि केवल एक सय ६४ सङ्ख्या भएका कुसुन्डासम्म बसोवास गर्छन् । ..... सङ्ख्यात्मक हिसाबले सबैभन्दा ठूलो समूहमा पर्ने क्षेत्री समुदाय १५ दशमलव ८० प्रतिशत छन् भने त्यसपछिको ठूलो समूह बाहुन १२ दशमलव ७४ प्रतिशत मात्रै छन् । यीबाहेक मगर, थारु, तामाङ र नेवार जातिचाहिँ पाँच प्रतिशतभित्र पर्छन् । कुल जनसङ् ख्याको एक प्रतिशतसम्म भाग ओगट्ने जनजाति त १८ वटा छन् । बाँकी सबै एक प्रतिशतभन्दा कम सङ्ख्यामा छन् । ........ ७५ जिल्लामध्ये क्षेत्री नौवटामा र मगर, थारु, तामाङ, नेवार र गुरुङ एक-एकवटामा गरी जम्मा १४ जिल्लामा मात्र कुनै एक जात, जनजातिको पूर्ण बहुमत रहेको देखिन्छ । ........ मधेशी जनाधिकार फोरमले चाहिँ भूगोलका आधारमा राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गरनिुपर्ने प्रस्ताव अघि सारेको छ । त्यसो गर्दा पूर्वमेचीदेखि पश्चिम महाकालीसम्म समग्र मधेशलाई एउटा प्रदेश बनाउनुपर्ने जिकिर पनि उनीहरूको छ । "मधेशलाई टुक्राटुक्रा पार्ने हो भने मिथिलाबाहेक अन्य प्रदेशमा मधेशको मानिसको प्रतिनिधित्व हुन सक्दैन," फोरमका सचिवालय सदस्य जयप्रकाशप्रसाद गुप्ता भन्छन् । ............ झन्डै १३ प्रतिशत जनसङ्ख्या रहेको दलितहरूको आधार क्षेत्र नै छैन । ...... दलित एक जात समूह मात्र नभई क्षेत्रीय, भाषिक एवम् जातीय हिसाबले समेत विभाजित छ । ..... राजनीति र प्रशासनमा बाहुन, क्षेत्री र नेवार समुदायको वर्चस्व छ तर त्यसको मुख्य आधार वर्ग नै रहेको छ । ...... दलित र अन्य अल्पसङ्ख्यक समुदायले पनि आरक्षणको माग गररिहेका छन् । "हामी आरक्षणभन्दा पनि अधिकारको आधारमा सुरक्षित गर्ने भन्छौँ," सद्भावनाकी सरतिा गिरी भन्छिन्, "मधेशमा महिलाहरूका लागि निर्वाचन क्षेत्र नै सुरक्षित गर्नुपर्छ ।" ..... "माओवादीले आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारसहितको जातीय-क्षेत्रीय स्वशासन भनेका छन् भने हामीले आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारको सिद्धान्तका आधारमा जातीय स्वशासन भनेका छौँ," नेपाल आदिवासी जनजाति महासङ्घका महासचिव ओम गुरुङ भन्छन्, "हामीले भन्दै आएको आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार छुट्टनिे अधिकार होइन ।" ....... मधेशमा क्रियाशील हुँदै आएको मधेशी जनाधिकार फोरमको धारणाचाहिँ भिन्न छ । फोरमका सचिवालय सदस्य जेपी गुप्ताको भनाइमा आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार भनेको स्वशासन हो । तर, यसलाई छुट्टएिर जाने अधिकार हो भन्ने व्याख्या गर्दै राज्यको पुनःसंरचनाको विरुद्धमा जनमत तयार गर्न लागेको उनको आरोप छ । ...... नेपालमा पछिल्लो जनगणनाले ९२ वटा भाषा र बोलीहरूको पहिचान गरेको छ । ..... नेपाली भाषालाई मातृभाषाका रूपमा प्रयोग गर्नेहरूको सङ्ख्यासमेत पूर्ण बहुमतमा देखिँदैन । मातृभाषाका रूपमा प्रचलनमा रहेका अन्य भाषाहरूमा मैथिली, भोजपुरी, थारु, तमाङ, नेवारी, अवधि, गुरुङ र लिम्बू भाषा रहेका छन् । जसलाई मातृभाषाका रूपमा प्रयोग गर्नेहरूको सङ्ख्या एक देखि १२ प्रतिशतसम्म रहेको छ । .... एमाले नेता शङ्कर पोखरेल भन्छन्, "कुनै पनि जातिको मुख्य पहिचान भाषा नै हो ।" उनको भनाइमा एक प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी भएको भाषा र जातिलाई कुनै न कुनै स्थानमा उनीहरूको बाहुल्य हुने ढाँचा खोज्नुपर्छ भने राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गर्दा सांस्कृतिक पहिचानलाई पनि उत्तिकै ध्यान दिनुपर्छ । "केन्द्रीय राज्यसत्ताको जातीय र सांस्  कृतिक प्रभुत्वको नीतिले नेपालका कतिपय समुदायका अगुवाहरूमा नेपाल देश हाम्रो हो तर राज्य होइन भन्ने धारणा विकास भएको पाइन्छ," पोखरेल भन्छन् । ...... सद्भावना नेतृ सरतिा गिरी भन्छिन्, "सबै राजनीतिक दलहरूले राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने कुरामा सहमति जनाउनु नै ठूलो उपलब्धि हो ।" ....... यतिखेर सबै राजनीतिक दलहरू राज्य पुनःसंरचनाबारे आफ्नो अवधारणा तयार गर्न व्यस्त छन् । सबैले सिद्धान्ततः यसलाई स्वीकार गरसिकेका छन् । तैपनि, विस्तृत प्रारूप तयार भइसकेको छैन । ...... संविधानसभामा गणतन्त्रपछिको प्रमुख मुद्दा यही नै हुनेछ । ......पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको राज्य विस्तार अभियानअगाडि नेपाल करीब करीब सङ्घात्मक राज्यकै स्वरूपमा थियो । अब सङ्घीय संरचनामा जानु भनेको पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले बलपूर्वक लादेको एकात्मक राज्यलाई भत्काउने र खोसिएका अर्थात् दबाइएका जातीय, भाषिक, सांस्कृतिक र भौगोलिक अधिकारहरूको पुनःस्थापना गर्नु हो । काठमाडौँ केन्दि्रत अवसर र विकासलाई विकेन्द्रीकृत गर्ने हो । केन्द्रमा रहेको शासकीय अधिकार जनतामा ल्याउनु हो । ...... केन्द्र, प्रदेश, जिल्ला र गाउँ सरकार गरी चारवटा तह पनि बनाउन सकिन्छ । ...... सङ्घात्मकतामा आधारति केन्द्र, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको अधिकार र दायित्वबारे स्पष्ट हुनुपर्दछ । त्यसको अभावमा केन्द्र, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायबीच अनावश्यक द्वन्द्व र टकराव उत्पन्न हुनसक्दछ । नेपालको सन्दर्भमा केन्द्रसँग राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा, वैदेशिक सम्बन्ध, केन्द्रीय ब्याङ्क, मुद्रा र वित्तीय प्रणाली, रेलवे, हवाई र प्रमुख राष्ट्रिय मार्गहरू, सर्वाेच्च अदालत, ठूला जलविद्युत् आयोजना, बहुप्रादेशिक प्राकृतिक सम्पदाहरूको बाँडफाँट र प्रादेशिक विभाजनको सामाञ्जस्यता अधिकार र दायित्व हुनुपर्दछ । प्रदेशमा विधायकी अधिकारसहितको संसद्, न्यायालय, सार्वजनिक सुरक्ष्ाा, व्यापार, उद्योग, श्रम व्यवस्था, सडक, वन, जल र जमीनको व्यवस्थापन तथा उपयोग, शिक्ष्ाा र स्वास्थ्यलगायतका अधिकार हुनुपर्छ । ...... हामीकहाँ प्रचलित 'वेस्ट मिनिस्टर' मोडेल काम लाग्दैन । ..... स्वीट्जरल्यान्ड र दक्षिण अपि|mकामा झैँ राज्यको ढाँचामा जुन पार्टीको जति प्रतिशत भोट छ, त्यसकै आधारमा सहमति कायम गर्दै काम गर्ने पद्धति हुनुपर्दछ । ....... राष्ट्र प्रमुख भने प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचनबाट चयन हुने व्यवस्था गरनिुपर्दछ ....... एउटा निश्चित विकासको स्थितिमा नपुगेसम्म अल्पसङ्ख्यक भाषाभाषी, जनजाति, मधेशी र धर्मलाई हरेक तहको प्रतिनिधिसभाको उम्मेदवारी, सरकारी प्रशासन, न्यायालय, सेना, प्रहरी र निर्वाचित निकायमा आरक्ष्ाणको व्यवस्था गरनिुपर्छ । ...... लिपि र साहित्य भएका प्रत्येक भाषालाई सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा घोषित गर्नुपर्छ । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्पर्क, राष्ट्रिय सम्पर्क भाषा र आफ्नो मातृभाषालाई आधार बनाउनु पर्दछ । आफ्नो लिपि र साहित्य नभएकालाई पनि अड्डा-अदालत र संसद्मा बोल्ने हक हुनुपर्दछ । ...... क्रान्तिकारी भूमिसुधार गरी भूमिमा उनीहरूको अधिकार स्थापित गराउनुपर्दछ । यसो गर्दा भूमिको अधिकार मात्रै स्थापित हँुदैन, उत्पादन पनि बढ्दछ । ...... भूमिसुधारबिना कृषिलाई व्यवसायीकरण र औद्योगीकरण गर्न सकिँदैन । मुलुकको प्रमुख क्षेत्र कृषिको विकासबिना मुलुकको समृद्धि सम्भव छैन । ....... पार्टीहरूको पनि लोकतान्त्रीकरण हुनैपर्दछ र पार्टीमा सबै जाति, भाषा, लिङ्ग, वर्गको समावेशीकरण हुनैपर्दछ । ....... पार्टीको संरचनामा प्रवेश गर्नै नसकेका समुदायहरूलाई पार्टीको संरचनामा ल्याउन र महिलाहरूलाई ३३ प्रतिशत सहभागीको ग्यारेन्टी गर्न पार्टीमा बाध्यकारी व्यवस्थाहरू तय गर्नुपर्दछ । ...... नेतृत्व छनोट गर्दा संसदीय सुनुवाइ वा जनसुनुवाइको व्यवस्था गरी न्याय क्षेत्रलाई पूर्ण लोकतान्त्रिक, पारदर्शी र जनआधारति बनाउनुपर्दछ । ..... पूर्णरूपमा भेदभावयुक्त, थोरै मालिकहरू र धेरै नोकरहरू, थोरै सामन्तहरू र धेरै दासहरू, थोरै राजाहरू र धेरै रैतिहरू भएको गरीब तथा प्रतिष्ठा गुमाएको एउटा हिमाली राष्ट्रका रूपमा विश्व मानचित्रमा नेपालको परचिय निर्माण भयो । ...... विदेश सम्बन्ध र सुरक्षाबाहेकका सबै विषयको अन्तिम निर्णय प्रदेश आफैँले गर्न पाउनुपर्दछ । ...... यसका लागि हाम्रो जस्तै भूपरविेष्ठित सानो युरोपेली राष्ट्र स्वीट्जर ल्यान्डले अवलम्बन गरेको स्वीस महासङ्घीय संरचना उपयुक्त हुनसक्छ । धार्मिक, सांस् कृतिक र जातीय विविधता भएको स्वीट्जरल्यान्डले चारवटा भाषाहरूलाई राष्ट्रिय भाषाको मान्यता प्रदान गरेको छ भने आफ्ना सबै प्रान्तहरूलाई स्वायत्तता र आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार दिएको छ । ........ धार्मिक र जातीय प्रश्नहरू अब आर्थिक मापदण्डको आधारमा हल हुनुपर्दछ । आज कतिपय ब्राह्मण, क्ष्ाेत्री-ठकुरीहरू सबैभन्दा कमजोर आर्थिक जीवन यापन गररिहेका छन् । जङ्गलमा बस्ने कुसुन्डा, राउटे हुन् अथवा गरीब जनजाति मधेशी वा ब्राह्मण, क्षेत्री, ठकुरी हुन .......