Bindeshwar Prasad Yadav: Is Madhes A Colony?

Is Madhes a colony?

If definition for colonism is:

A policy by which a nation maintains or extends its control over foreign dependencies.
Control by one power over a dependent area or people. The purposes of colonialism include economic exploitation of the colony's natural resources, creation of new markets for the colonizer, and extension of the colonizer's way of life beyond its national borders.

Colonialism is the extension of a nation's sovereignty over territory beyond its borders by the establishment of either settler colonies or administrative dependencies in which indigenous populations are directly ruled or displaced.

Colonizers generally dominate the resources, labor, and markets of the colonial territory and may also impose socio-cultural, religious and linguistic structures on the conquered population. The term colonialism also refers to a set of beliefs used to legitimize or promote this system, especially the ethnocentric belief that the mores of the colonizer are superior to those of the colonized. Such beliefs are often a form of racism.

On the basis for the criteria given for colonization, if we sincerely analyze what do we find? Is Mahes a colony?

In ---------- Madhes was an independent country/state with its sovereignty.
In----------- Gorkha king Prithvi Narayan Sah won several small sovereign states including Kathmandu and Madhes; and very clearly colonized won states under shadow of unification of the country Nepal. Evidences of colonization of Madhes is:

Sovereignty of Madhes is lost, and it was controlled by the policy of Prithvi Narayan Sah.
Colonizers (Pahari) have dominated over the resources of Madhes, imposed pahari socio-cultural and Nepali linguistic structure over indigenous socio- cultural structure and languages (Bhojpuri, Maithili, Hindi etc languages of Madesh) on the conquered Madhesi population.

The original name of ‘Madhes’ was changed by the ruler (colonizer) to ‘Terai’ that was totally against the conciousness of the indigenous Madhesi population.

Prevalent very serious racism provoked by concept of Pahari (colonizer) are far superior, and Madhesi (colonized) are very inferior.

Pahari (colonizers) are administrators over existing sizeable native populations (Madhesi) exercising control by use and/ threat of force. If somebody raised the voice for justice he was killed, and family was ruined.

Pahari are immigrating to Madhes land, and displacing indigenous Madhesi populations.

If it is a colony, till date under dark, deserve freedom with complete sovernigity.

FROM INTERNET

Colonialism

A policy by which a nation maintains or extends its control over foreign dependencies.

colonialism

Control by one power over a dependent area or people. The purposes of colonialism include economic exploitation of the colony's natural resources, creation of new markets for the colonizer, and extension of the colonizer's way of life beyond its national borders.

The most active practitioners were European countries; in the years 1500–1900, Europe colonized all of North and South America and Australia, most of Africa, and much of Asia by sending settlers to populate the land or by taking control of governments.

colonialism

The control of one nation by “transplanted” people of another nation — often a geographically distant nation that has a different culture and dominant racial or ethnic group. (See ethnicity.)

· Control that is economic and cultural, rather than political, is often called neocolonialism.

The noun colonialism has one meaning:

Meaning #1: exploitation by a stronger country of weaker one; the use of the weaker country's resources to strengthen and enrich the stronger country

Colonialism is the extension of a nation's sovereignty over territory beyond its borders by the establishment of either settler colonies or administrative dependencies in which indigenous populations are directly ruled or displaced. Colonizers generally dominate the resources, labor, and markets of the colonial territory and may also impose socio-cultural, religious and linguistic structures on the conquered population; this has led critics of colonialism to call it cultural imperialism. However, though colonialism is often used interchangeably with imperialism, the latter is broader as it covers control exercised informally (via influence) as well as formally. The term colonialism also refers to a set of beliefs used to legitimize or promote this system, especially the ethnocentric belief that the mores of the colonizer are superior to those of the colonized. Such beliefs are often a form of racism, and were codified as pseudo-scientific theories at the end of the 19th century. The historical phenomenon of European colonisation may be broadly divided into two large waves, the first one starting with the "Age of Exploration" and the beginning of the Columbian Exchange, and the second one beginning in the second part of the 19th century with the New Imperialism period.

Colonisation and decolonisation have overlapped themselves, since most of the New World colonies had already acquired their independence when the scramble for Africa and the New Imperialism began.

Types of colonialism

Settler colonies, dependencies, plantations colonies, trading posts

Different types of colonialism may be distinguished, according to the form of colonization and also the date. Settler colonies, such as the original thirteen states of the United States of America, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Argentina arose from the emigration of peoples from a metropole, or mother country, and involved displacement of the indigenous peoples to their permanent detriment [1].

Settler colonies may be contrasted with dependencies, where the colonizers did not arrive as part of a mass emigration, but rather as administrators over existing sizeable native populations, exercising control by use or threat of force.

A fourth category may be considered for plantation colonies such as Barbados, Saint-Domingue and Jamaica where the white colonizers imported black slaves who rapidly began to outnumber their owners, leading to minority rule, similar to a dependency. Trading posts, such as Macau, Malacca, Deshima and Singapore constitute a fifth category, where the primary purpose of the colony was to engage in trade rather than as a staging post for further colonization of the hinterland.

The contradiction between the unity of the nation-state and imperialism: Hannah Arendt
According to Hannah Arendt's Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), there was a contradiction between the unity of the nation-state and 19th century imperialism, which was, by definition, unlimited. She thus quoted Cecil Rhodes, the colonizer of Rhodesia, declaring: "all of these stars... these vast worlds that remain out of reach. If I could, I would annex other planets" [2]. Arendt underlined this contradiction between the economic expansion upheld by the bourgeoisie, and nationalism which aimed at integrating all citizens in one unity, the nation-state.

According to Arendt, this explains the two different models of colonization: on one hand, the British Empire created the Commonwealth and used indirect rule, allowing the local elites to govern the colonies, under the supervision of the colonial administration; on the other hand, the French Third Republic (1871-1940) directly ruled over the colonies, claiming they were integrally part of the French Republic. Separation was thus opposed to the French ideal of assimilation, based on its universalist philosophy, a legacy of the 1789 French Revolution and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Thus, the Republic tried to extend French citizenship to the colonies.

On The Web

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Imperialism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Internet Modern History Sourcebook: Imperialism
Modern History Sourcebook: John Hobson: Imperialism, 1902
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Eco-Imperialism - Green Power. Black Death. - Paul Driessen
Imperialism Resources
Imperialism: Enemy of Freedom: Supporter's Summit 2006
Amazon.com: Islamic Imperialism : A History: Books: Efraim Karsh

Nepali Community Center

Nepali Community Center

I sit on the Board of the Nepali Mandir. For the longest time the Nepalis in the city have envisioned something akin to a community center, but nothing materialized, and then Chandra Prakash Sharma came into town, and the Nepali Mandir was established in rented space.

Nepali Mandir Board Meeting
Democracy Diwali At The Nepali Mandir
Nepali Mandir

This month that Mandir has had to shift to a new location. The previous house is getting sold. The Mandir was on the spacious first floor. There was a Hindu room. There was a Buddhist room. There was a kitchen. There were two rooms for office space. There was a big hall. Two restrooms. And a small verandah. All for $2500 a month.

The new space is just one room but it is ground floor and roadside, in a better locality. $900 a month.

The idea with the first place was to find 100 Nepalis in the city who will put in $25 a month. The idea also was to gradually rent out the hall space for events and for dance classes, language classes, and to make enough money so as to be able to pay rent.

It did not quite work out that way. About $3500 got raised. Chandra Prakash put in over $9000 of his own hard earned money. That is not sustainable.

The new location also has a hall that is bigger than the last one and can be rented one event at a time for $150 per event.

I actually like the new place better. It is roadside. There are a lot of Nepalis, Desis who live close by.

Another idea that has been floated by some is why not use the Hindu temples already in existence, primarily due to Indian efforts.

Divya Dham Hindu Temple in New York - Hindu Temples in New York
Ganesh Temple in New York - Hindu Temples in New York

Not a bad idea. You don't have to worry about rent. You don't have to worry about getting priests. You jut organize events.

There also are plenty of Buddhist destinations. I am a Buddhist.

Dharma Centers: New York
List of Buddhist temples - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
19.6 New York

Perhaps it is the name that misleads. The name can not be Nepali Mandir. Mandir is a Hindu term. And there are already plenty of Hindu temples that Nepalis can visit. Short term, it's okay. But long term we have to be thinking in terms of a Nepali Community Center.

You are talking real estate. A piece of land. A building. A Hindu corner, a Buddhist corner, perhaps space also for other religions. A hall or two. Perhaps a Nepali hostel, cheap short term lodging.

There is number crunching involved. What kind of money are we talking about? How will that get raised? How long will it take?

And there will be a Board, popularly elected. Any Nepali can be a member. All members get to vote.

It is important to discuss the long term vision, because once that is clear, short term hurdles look small.

Some people have also raised the question if this is the best use of Nepali money. If you can get 50 people to put in $25 a month, is it better to spend that on rent money for Mandir space, or to fund the education of kids in Nepal? I think that is a false choice. We should do both. We should get 50 Nepalis for the Mandir. And another group of 50 or more Nepalis for the education idea.

Blacks Earned It Half A Century Ago

(sent to Nepal Khabar weekly)

Ugly anti-black stories and stereotypes are in the American air and so when immigrants come in, they breathe it in. I spent some time in Kentucky and Indiana. I know racism. But I have heard some really despicable anti-black stuff from Nepali mouths after I moved to the city last year.

Before I moved to New York City, I was not much into the Mini Nepal of America. I stayed away. It was not fun being Madhesi in Nepal. But the king's coup hurtled me back into the crowd. And New York City is great for that. This is the Kathmandu of the world.

Nepalis in America are behind the blacks in terms of political rights. Nepalis in America played a key role, in some ways a central role, for the democracy movement in Nepal. But Nepalis in America are behind the Nepalis in Nepal in terms of political rights.

Face it, you can't vote. That is a destitute status politically.

We have to organize and polish the message. The message is simple. We should start by getting the city of New York to allow us all to vote. No taxation without representation. If you pay utility bills, you should be allowed to vote in the city. You contribute to the economy, you should be able to vote.

We have to get organized and build coalitions. We have to reach out to the Desi groups, the Chinese, we have to reach out to the Arabs, the Africans, the Hispanic crowd. We have to reach out to the Russians, the East European immigrants who also have been barred from voting. If you can't even vote, you are nobody. Think in terms of basic political dignity. Let the April Revolution in Nepal be an inspiration. That will go down as the first major revolution of the 21st century. That was a world history event.

But also think money. If you can vote, you matter. You will be in a better position to break the glass walls and ceilings that hold you down. With political rights, you are looking at better economic prospects. You are looking at access to credit to start businesses. You are looking at corridors of power. You are looking at influencing public policy.

This is the era of globalization and the internet. The concept of immigration itself has to be rethought. Your Mini Nepal is all fine and dandy. But open your eyes and see. You are in America. Who stole your right to vote? Ask.

And get organized. Existing organizations should expand and should revise their charters to incorporate the idea of political empowerment of the Nepalis right here in America, right now. New organizations have to be launched. Umbrella organizations have to be set up. There should be regular events. There should be major reachout efforts to reach all members of the community using the latest in communications technology. We call it cellphones, we call it email, we call it the internet.

Blacks earned their voting rights half a century ago. Nepalis have not earned it yet. Fight your self hate. Take pride in who you are, what you are. Realize you are worth the right to vote.

Chief Guest, Chief Host, Special Guests

For the April Convention, there are slots.

I think Manisha Koirala, Upendra Mahato, Udit Narayan Jha all qualify for Special Guests. These are members of the Nepali global community who have exhibited outstanding talent in their respective fields.

Perhaps all participating organizations will vote for the Chief Guest slot.

I have proposed Kul Chandra Gautamji for Chief Host.

April Convention: Creating A Glowing Core
April Convention: Emerging Picture
April Revolution, April Convention

Video: Countdown To The April Convention 2
Video: Countdown To The April Convention 1

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सरकारले चाहेका बेला प्रधानसेनापति हटाउन सक्ने
जनआन्दोलनका घाइतेलाई क्षतिपूर्ति
कटवाल कामु
अमेरिकी अडान यथावत्
'राजनीतिक मुद्दा र हतियार व्यवस्थापन सँगसँगै'
माओवादीद्वारा गाउँलेलाई कुटपिट
रकम नउठाउन माओवादीलाई आह्वान
संक्रमणकालीन अन्याय
नेपाली नागरिकताको विषय नेपालमा तीन प्रकारका नागरिकताका व्यवस्था छन्- वंशज, अङ्गीकृत र सम्मानार्थ । व्यवहारमा नागरिकता पाउन बाबुको नागरिकता, परिवारको नाममा जग्गा जमिन र स्थानीय निकाय र प्रहरी कार्यालयका सिफारिस आवश्यक कागज प्रमाण मानिन्छन् । यी प्रमाण नभएका खासगरी दलित, जनजाति, गरिब र मधेसीहरू नागरिकताबाट वञ्चित छन् । गरिब, दलित, मधेसी र आफ्नो नाममा जग्गा नभएका सुकुम्बासी र बाबुको नाममा नागरिकता नभएका हजुरबुबादेखि पनातिसम्मका एकै परिवारका धेरै नेपाली नागरिकता प्रमाणपत्र पाउनबाट वञ्चित छन् । हालसम्म यो प्रमाणपत्र पाउने कुनै बाटो छैन । नागरिकता नपाएसम्म राज्यका सबै अधिकार र सुविधाबाट वञ्चित हुनुपर्नेे स्थिति छ, वञ्चित गरिएको छ पनि । अर्कोतर्फ उल्लिखित श्रेणीमा नपर्ने दार्जिलिङ, सिक्किम, आसाम मेघालयलगायत भारतका विभिन्न भागमा बस्ने नेपाली मूलका भारतीयले नेपालको नागरिकता पाएका देखिन्छन् । त्यस्ता सीमावर्ती भारतीय राज्यका हजारौं विदेशीले नेपाली नागरिकता पाएका र तिनमा मन्त्रीलगायतका ठूलाठूला पद धारणा गरिसकेका तथा विभ्ािन्न व्यवसाय गरिआएका पनि भेटिन्छन् । तरकारी बेच्नेदेखि सुन बेच्नेसम्म, पान बेच्ने पसलेदेखि अर्बपति उद्योगीसम्म, शिक्षकदेखि प्राविधिक कर्मचारीसम्मका विदेशीले धेरै पहिलेदेखि नागरिकता पाउँदै आएका छन् । यस अर्थमा नागरिकता प्रमाणपत्रको माछा-बजार खोलिएको देखिन्छ । जसले पैसा दिन्छ उसले यो पाइहाल्छ । यसरी नागरिकता लिनेले नेपाली राहदानीसमेत पाएका छन् । यिनीहरू स्वदेशमा मात्र नबसी विदेशमा पनि बसोवास गरेका छन् । नेपालमा कसरी नागरिकता र राहदानी पाइयो भन्ने कुराको यिनीहरू सविस्तार व्याख्या गर्छन् । ........ संविधानसभा अगावै नागरिकता समस्या समाधान गर्नुपर्ने माग पनि तेर्सिएका छन् र यस विषयमा संसद्ले सरकारलाई निर्देश पनि जारी गरेको छ । यसो नभए संविधानसभा चुनाव बहिष्कार गर्ने, सशस्त्र आन्दोलन गर्ने र राजमार्ग्ा ठप्प पार्ने चेतावनी दिइएका छन् । ....... भारतमा बस्ने करिब ६० लाख, भुटानमा लखेट्न बाँकी रहेका चार लाख, बर्माले धपाउन बाँकी करिब दस लाख र भारतबाट बिना रोकतोक जुनकुनै समयमा पनि पस्ने अन्य व्यक्तिहरूलाई मध्यनजर गर्दा र नेपालमा बसेर नागरिकता पाउन वञ्चित ४० लाखलाई जोड्दा करिब २ करोडलाई थप नागरिकता बाँड्नुपर्ने अवस्था आउन सक्छ । ........ १८०० किलोमिटर खुला सीमा ..... श्रीलंकाको तामिल समस्या, इन्डोनेसियाको आचेय, सुडानको डाफुर्र, बुरुन्डी, रुवान्डा, सिरियालोन, लाइबेरिया, इराकलगायत छिमेकी राष्ट्र भारतमा जातीय र धार्मिक समस्याले उब्जाएका दुर्भाग्यलाई लिन सकिन्छ ।
खुला सिमाना र मधेस

खुला सिमाना र मधेस

बृषेशचन्द्र लाल

पूर्व, पश्चिम र दक्षिणको खुला भारतीय सिमानाका कारण मधेसमा भारतीयहरूको निर्बाध प्रवेश भइरहेको हाउगुजी फैलाउने काम नयाँ होइन । यसबाट धेरै लाभ कमाउन सकिन्छ- भारत विरोधीहरूसँग आ.स. पाउन सकिन्छ, राष्ट्रवादिताको तक्मा पाउने अवसर बढ्छ, छिटै चर्चित भइन्छ आदि-आदि । यस्तो प्रचार-प्रसारबाट यस्ता कार्य गर्नेहरूको पर्दाभित्रको साम्प्रदायिकताको केही हदसम्म तुष्टि हुन्छ तथा विगत २३७ बर्से शाहवंशीय शासनमा सहभागी रहेकाहरूको वर्चस्ववादी नियत र मधेसलाई देश होइन उपनिवेश ठानेर दबाउने नीतिको पोषण हुन्छ । त्यसैले यस्तो काममा पञ्चायती शासकहरूको इसारामा डा. हर्क गुरुङजस्ता व्यक्तिहरूको पनि संलग्नता रहँदै आएको छ ।

नेपालको सम्पूर्ण जनसंख्यालाई राजनीतिक, आर्थिक र सामाजिक अवसरहरूको उपलब्धताको आधारमा तीन भागमा बाँड्न सकिन्छ - सेतामगुराली र दलित जनजाति -२९), मधेसी -३३) तथा ब्राऽमण, क्षेत्री-खत्री र नेवार -३५) । सरकार चलाउने, योजना बनाउने, कर्मचारी तन्त्र सञ्चालित गर्ने, बजेटको निर्माण, निकासा र खर्च दिने, न्याय सम्पादन गर्ने, सञ्चार माध्यम, विदेशी नियोगमा कार्यआदि सबै स्थानमा दलित र जनजातिको अत्यन्त न्यून र मधेसीको नगण्य सहभागिता छ । यस्तो स्थिति २३७ बर्से बदनियत र त्यो शासनको दुष्परिणाम हो । २००७ सालको क्रान्तिपछि पनि यस कूटनीतिमा कुनै परिवर्तन आएन । अवसरका सबै क्षेत्रमाथि कब्जा गरेर बस्नेहरू मधेस र पहाडी, दलित एवं जनजाति यसकारणले न नजिकिउन्, कुनै मोर्चा नबनोस् भनेर मधेसीहरू यस भूखण्डका हुँदै होइनन् भन्ने प्रचार- प्रसार गर्दैै आएका छन् । डा.गुरुङहरूको प्रयोग यसै अभीष्टका लागि गरिएको हुनुपर्छ ।

अहिले २०६३ को अभूतपूर्व जनविद्रोहपछि मधेस र पहाडका दलित तथा जनजाति जाग्दै आएकोले नेपाली जनसंख्याका यी दुवै अंगहरूमा बढ्दै गएको निकटता तुहाउन र राज्यको संघीय पुनसर्ंरचनाको मागबाट देशको ध्यान हटाउन उही खुला सिमानाको पुरानो राग बजाउन थालिएको छ । खुला सिमानाको कारण दर्शाई मधेसमा भारतीयहरूको प्रवेशलाई अतिरञ्जित गरी प्रस्तुत गरेर मधेसको सम्पूर्ण जनसंख्यालाई भारतीय भएको भ्रम पार्ने काममा केही व्यक्तिहरू लागेका छन् । यस्ता व्यक्तिहरूले मधेसको इतिहासलाई गम्भीरतापूर्वक हेर्ने प्रयास गर्नु बढी उपयुक्त हुनेछ । मधेसको बसोबास ५०- १०० वा ५०० वर्षको होइन । मधेस अपरिचित बालिकाको रूपमा प्रकट भएर पनि जगज्जननी भएर पूजित रहेकी सीता, गार्गी, विदेह जनक, याज्ञवल्क्य, त्रेतायुगमै गीता दिने अष्टावक्रको जन्मभूमि हो । पौराणिक कालभन्दा पछाडिको कुरा गर्ने हो भने २५०० वर्ष पहिले मधेसका राजकुमार सिद्धार्थ गौतमले बुद्धको रूपमा दुनियाँलाई शान्तिको सन्देश दिएका हुन् । पुरातात्त्विक प्रमाणतर्फ जाने हो भने मधेसको बुटवलमा पाइएको प्राग् ऐतिहासिक युगको १ करोड दस लाख पुरानो मानव अवशेषलाई लिन सकिन्छ, नेपी पिथेकस भनिने बुटवल मान्छे एसिया महादेशकै सबभन्दा पुरानो मानव अवशेष हो । नवलपरासीको चुरियामा पाइएका ढुङ्गे बज्र हतियारहरू करिब ४०,००० वर्ष पुराना छन् भन्ने कुरा डोरबहादुर बिष्टले उल्लेख गर्नु भएको छ । यस्तोमा वर्तमान नेपाली भूखण्डको सन्दर्भमा भन्ने हो भने मधेसको बसोबास सबभन्दा पुरानो रहेको प्रमाणित हुन्छ । त्यस्तै पहाडमा सबभन्दा पुरानो इतिहास किराँतहरूको छ । महाभारतकालमा किराँतेश्वर महादेवको अर्जुनसँग युद्ध भएको थियो र किराँतेश्वरले अर्जुनलाई दिव्य धनुष प्रदान गर्नु भएको थियो ।

खुला सिमाना भएकोले भारतीयहरू नेपालमा आएका छन् र आउँदैछन् तर त्यसको कैयन् गुणा बढी भारतमा सरेका छन्, सर्दैछन् र काम गर्छन् । यसरी सर्ने र काम गर्नेहरूमा मधेस र पहाड दुवैतिरका नेपाली छन् । किनभने भारतको तुलनामा नेपालमा रोजगार र कामका अवसर कम छन्, स्वभावतः भारतबाट नेपाल आउनेहरूको संख्या कम छ । अपराध वा कुनै अन्य कारणवश भारतमा बस्न मुस्किल हुनेहरू अथवा नेपाललाई आवश्यक परेर सीपमूलक कार्यका लागि झिकाइनेहरू नेपालमा आएर बस्छन् । अन्यथा नेपालमा सरेर नागरिक बन्न खोज्नेहरूको संख्या कमै छ । मधेसका गाउँ एकै स्थानमा जोडिएका घरहरूले बनेको छ । रहनसहन, भेषभूषा, भाषा आदिमा एकरूप भए पनि बाहिरिया एकजना ग्रामीणहरूको नजरबाट लुकेर बस्न सक्दैनन् । वर्मा, अफगानिस्तान, कश्मीर वा भूटानको एक जना मधेसमा खप्न सक्नु असम्भवै छ । यही कारण हो जसले गर्दा खुला सिमाना भएर पनि भारत विरोधीहरू मधेसको ग्रामीण इलाकालाई प्रयोगमा ल्याउन सकेका छैन् । यिनीहरू नेपालका भित्री सहरहरूमा शरण लिन्छन् । त्यसकारण र अवसरको कमीका कारण पनि भारतबाट आउनेहरू मधेसका गाउँहरूमा बस्दैनन् । तिनी सहरमा बस्छन् र प्रशासन तथा शासक वर्गको जानकारी र घनिष्ठ सम्पर्कमा रहन्छन् । आफ्ना गतिविधिहरू त्यहीँबाट सञ्चालित गर्छन् । त्यसकारण मधेसको जनसंख्यालाई खुला सिमानासँग गाँसेर तथा नागरिकता प्रमाणपत्र विहीन पारेर आफ्नै नागरिकलाई अपमानित गर्ने, तिनलाई शिक्षा, रोेजगार, व्यवस्ाायलगायत अन्य राजनैतिक अधिकारहरूबाट वञ्चित गर्ने राज्यको अहिलेसम्मको नीतिलाई बलियो बनाउने कार्य घोर अपराध हो ।

नेपालन्युजमा केही दिन पहिले डा. उपेन्द्र गौतमले यस सम्बन्धमा लेख्नु भएको एउटा लेखमा नेपाल-भारतको खुला सिमानाबाट विदेशीहरूको प्रवेशसँग सम्बन्धित एकदम निराधार कुराहरू ठेल्दै भ्रम सृजनाको जानाजान प्रयास गर्नु भएको छ । वहाँका अनुसार कश्मीर विवादको क्रममा यस खुला सिमानाका कारण नेपालको मधेसमा मुसलमानहरूको प्रवेश भयो अरे ! त्यसपछि १९६० मा वर्माबाट, १९७०मा बाङ्गलादेशबाट, सोभियत हस्तक्षेपपछि अफगानिस्तानबाट, पञ्जाब अलगाववादीहरू पंजाबबाट, तमिल संघर्षका कारण श्रीलंकाबाट नेपालमा मधेस भएर विदेशीहरूले प्रवेश गरे भन्ने डा. गौतमको भनाइ छ । नेपालको मधेसमा कुनै कश्मीरी, वर्मेली, अफगान, तमिल वा पञ्जाबी खप्न सक्दैन भन्न्ो कुरा डा. गौतमलाई सायद थाहा छैन । एक त उल्लेख्य संख्यामा यस्तो प्रवेश नै भएको छैन किनभने नेपालभन्दा कुनै कश्मीरी, वर्मेली, अफगान, तमिल वा पञ्जाबी विशाल क्षेत्रफल र जनसंख्या भएको भारतमै लुकेर बस्न सक्छन् अथवा सजिलै त्यस समाजमा मिसिन सक्छन् । भारत विरोधी गतिविधि सञ्चालित गर्ने मनसायले अथवा अन्य कुनै कारणवश यदि थोर बहुत संख्यामा विदेशीहरूको प्रवेश पनि भएको छ भने त्यस्ता विदेशीहरू सामान्यतया काठमाडौंकै जनसंख्यामा मिसिएका छन् र तिनको संरक्षण सरकार तथा प्रशासनमा रहेकाहरूबाट भएको छ ।

यस्ा सन्दर्भमा एउटा कुरा अरू महत्त्वपूर्ण छ । नेपालको प्रजनन दरलाई एक पटक नियालेर हेरौं । १९९१ ताका नेपालको कुल प्रजनन दर ५.१६ प्रतिशत थियो र त्यतिखेर पहाडमा ५.९३, मध्य पहाडमा ५.३३ र मधेसमा ४.७२ प्रतिशत प्रजनन दर गणना गरिएको थियो । २००१ को गणना अनुसार देशको कुल प्रजनन दर ४.५७ तथा पहाड, मध्य पहाड र मधेसमा क्रमशः ३.७९, ३.७७ तथा ३.६४ प्रतिशत थियो । यो प्रवृत्ति अनुसार मधेसभन्दा पहाडको जनसंख्या वृद्धि दर बढी हुनुपर्ने हो तर १९९१-२००६ को अवधिमा देशको कुल जनसंख्या दर २.२५ तथा पहाड, मध्य पहाड र मधेसको क्रमशः १.५७, १.९७ र २.६२ रहेको देखिन्छ । मधेसको प्रजनन दर कम भएर पनि त्यहाँको जनसंख्या वृद्धि दर बढेको छ । स्पष्ट छ, मधेसमा पहाड र मध्य पहाडबाट बसाईं सर्नेहरू बढ्दैछन् । मधेसको जनसंख्या बढ्नुको कारण यो बसाइसराइ हो । किनभने पहाड र मध्य पहाडबाट बसाइँ सर्नेहरू गाउँमा होइन सहरमा बस्ने गर्छन् त्यसकारण मधेसको ग्रामीण क्षेत्र र सहरी क्षेत्रको जनसंख्याको अलग-अलग विश्लेषण गर्ने हो भने यो तथ्य अझ प्रमाणित भएर आउनेछ । १९७१ तिर लगभग आधी सहरी जनसंख्या काठमाडौंमा बसोबास गथ्र्यो तर २००१ मा यसको प्रतिशत ३०.९ प्रतिशतमा झरेको छ भने मधेसका शहरहरूमा शहरी जनसंख्याको बसोबास ४५.५ प्रतिशत भएको छ । यसबाट बसाइ सर्नेहरू महँगो काठमाडौंभन्दा मधेसतिर आकृष्ट भएको देखिन्छ । पहाडबाट मधेसतिर बसाइ सराइको यो प्रवृत्ति १९९१-२००१ को दशकमा विभिन्न कारणवश अलि कम भएको हुनाले १९९१ भन्दा २००१ मा पहाडको प्रजनन दर कम भए पनि जनसंख्या दरमा भने वृद्धि भएको थियो ।

२००७ सालदेखि नै हरेक लोकतान्त्रिक जनविद्रोह र आन्दोलनहरूमा मधेसको प्रमुख भूमिका रहने गरेको छ । प्रत्येक लोकतान्त्रिक परिवर्तनपछि मधेसीहरू आफूप्रतिको व्यवहार, धारणा र राज्यको नीतिमा अपेक्षित दृष्टिकोणको विश्वास लिएर आगाडि बढ्ने प्रयास गर्छन् । तर वर्चस्ववादी दृष्टिकोण र प्रगतिशीलताको छद्मवेशमा लुकेर काम गर्ने प्रतिक्रियावादीहरूको षड्यन्त्रले केही हुन पाउँदैन । यस्तै निराधार तर्कहरूले मधेसीहरूलाई तिनको मौलिक हक र राज्यबाट पाउनु पर्ने नैसर्गिक अवसरहरूबाट वञ्चित गराइन्छ । हाम्रा सखासन्तानहरू अमेरिका, कनाडा, अस्ट्रेलिया वा युरोपीयलगायत अन्य देशमा पुग्ने बित्तिक्कै त्यहाँको स्थायी बसोबासको प्रमाणपत्र प्राप्त गरेर पछि त्यहीँको नागरिक बन्न्ा गरिने प्रयासलाई हामी जायज र उचित ठान्छौं भने खुला सिमाना भएकै कारणले यदाकदा कुनै विदेशी नेपालमा आएर आफ्नो सीप र क्षमतामा कुनै कारोबार सञ्चालित गरेका छन् र यहाँको स्थायी बासिन्दा बन्न चाहन्छन् भने त्यसमा के को आपत्ति ?!

विदेशीहरूको नेपाल प्रवेश नियन्त्रित र व्यवस्थित हुनुपर्छ । यसका साथै यहाँको आन्तरिक बसाइसराइ पनि त्यत्तिकै नियन्त्रित र व्यवस्थित हुनु आवश्यक छ । उपयुक्त हुन्छ भने नेपालको चारैतिर तारले घेरबार र आकाशमार्गमाथि कडा निगरानीको व्यवस्था गरे हुन्छ । तर समाधानको उपाय गर्दै नगरी मधेसका नागरिकहरूलाई तँ नागरिक होइनस् भनी प्रताडित गरी राख्नु घोर अन्याय हो जसबाट उत्पन्न हुने विद्रोहले भोलि नेपालको प्रगति र स्थायित्त्वमा ठूलो अवरोध खडा गर्ने निश्चित छ ।

यस समस्यालाई समाधान गर्न विभिन्न क्षेत्रमा कार्यरत मधेसीहरूको साझा मञ्च लोकतान्त्रिक मधेसी समाज जनकपुरले एउटा प्रस्ताव राखेको छ । समाजको अवधारणा-पत्रको साझा सहमतिको मुद्दाहरूको तेश्रो बुँदामा हालका वर्षहरूमा अति द्रुत गतिले भएको बसाइसराइका कारण पहाड र मधेसमा सामाजिक असन्तुलन र अस्वस्थकर प्रतिस्पर्धा दुःखद रूपमा वृद्धि भएको चर्चा गर्दै यसलाई नियन्त्रित गर्न नागरिकता र मतदानको अधिकार निश्चित गरिएको समय सीमाभन्दा पूर्व बसोबास गरिरहेको क्षेत्रमा कायम गर्नुपर्ने सुझाव राखिएको छ । यसबाट उल्लिखित सन्तुलन कायम हुनुका साथै एकै जनाले विभिन्न स्थानबाट नागरिकता प्रमाणपत्र तथा मतदानको अधिकार पाउने गरेको समस्याको पनि समाधान हुनेछ तथा जनगणना र मतदाता नामावलीमा समेत शुद्धताको सम्भावना बढ्नेछ ।

Arlen Specter Of Pennsylvania

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Senator Arlen Specter - Pennsylvania
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Arlen Specter - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia beginning his political life as a Democrat. He worked with the Warren Commission investigating the assassination of John F. Kennedy. As a chief counsel for the commission, he authored the controversial "single bullet theory" to attempt to explain the commission's finding that a lone assassin killed Kennedy. ........ eventually became a Republican ..... made an abortive bid for the Republican nomination in the 1996 presidential race, before withdrawing and endorsing future nominee Bob Dole. ...... a moderate Republican, reflecting his roots in Kansas and in Philadelphia. He is pro-choice on abortion and supports gay rights. However, he strongly supports the death penalty and opposes most gun control, voting against the Brady Bill, background checks at gunshows, the ban on assault weapons, and trigger locks for handguns. ...... supports affirmative action and voted for the Civil Rights Act of 1990. ..... one of only four Republicans to vote against the Private Securities Litigations Reform Act and in recent years has been less enthusiastic about lawsuit reform than many members of his party. In 1995 he was the only Republican to vote to limit tax cuts to individuals with incomes of less than one million dollars. He voted against CAFTA. Specter also supports an increase in the federal minimum wage. ....... Specter criticized his own party for its impeachment of President Bill Clinton ....... notoriously abrasive, and earned the nickname "Snarlin' Arlen" ...... often dubbed a "Republican In Name Only" (RINO) by more conservative critics ....... the longest-serving senator in Pennsylvania history. ..... a member of The Republican Main Street Partnership and supports stem cell research. He is also a member of The Republican Majority For Choice, Christine Todd Whitman's Its My Party Too, Republicans For Choice and Republicans For Environmental Protection. ..... a strong advocate of the flat tax system. ...... very critical of President Bush's alleged wiretapping of people in the United States and abroad without warrants. ..... has emerged as a nationally recognized figure ..... "The Republican Party is now principally moderate, if not liberal!" ..... In April 2006, he was selected by Time as one of "America's 10 Best Senators." ..... Specter has a higher approval rating among registered Democrats in Pennsylvania than Republicans ..... Senator John Sununu shaved his head to show solidarity with Specter when he was undergoing chemotherapy and was temporarily bald.
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Republican Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum Santorum is well known for his conservative social and fiscal stances, and many describe him as the Senate's most outspoken Christian fundamentalist ..... running for re-election in the 2006 U.S. Senate election. Rasmussen Reports calls him the "most vulnerable congressional incumbent this election season"