Wednesday, May 31, 2006

Right To Property, Right To Free Speech


Nepal King’s Kin Feel The Backlash The Peninsula At least five people related to the king by marriage have had their land in eastern Nepal captured by irate local people who began distributing it among shanty dwellers ....locals in Khanal and Itahari towns in Sunsari district in eastern Nepal began forcing their way into the property of the king’s two brothers-in-law and three more relatives, asking landless shanty dwellers to come and build their homes on over 100 bighas of land....Suraj Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana and Uday Shumsher had their land occupied by the landless people who promptly began building on the encroached plot. Three other royal relatives, Padma Shah, Ravi Vikram Shah and Krishna Vikram Shah faced the same fate. A resort in Itahari belonging to the queen’s family — the Royal Resort — has also been forcibly occupied by locals ....The aunt, Princess Helen Shah, her daughter Ketaki Chester and grandson Kapil Rana left Nepal last week, reportedly for Europe.
This is a little alarming. I am not for or against confiscating land for redistribution. But if that is to be done, it has to be done through rule of law. This revolutionary parliament could pass laws to take such actions. But I'd rather wait until the country has a new constitution and a new parliament under that new constitution. Land reform has to be saved for later. To get into that now could easily mess up the rest of our agenda. Things could go seriously wrong.

This particular move though does not seem to have been engineered by the Maoists as a matter of party policy. It seems to be spontaneous action, small scale, and without violence. I am just trying to stay positive here. But we do have to watch for the trickle before it becomes a flood.

If the Maoists were to engage in acts like this one now, that could scuttle the peace process. We could be looking at civil war. And that will mean no land reform, just more bloodshed. We don't want that. I am all for land reform. I just want it done right. We don't want to do it like in Zimbabwe. We have to do it in a way that the economy does not get hurt. We have to do it in a way that the agricultural productivity goes up.

I am for a republic. And I think the king should be able to keep the property he owned before he became king. Let that be a test for our commitment to right to property, which is as fundamental a human right as the right to free speech.

A lot of people do not compare right to property to right to free speech. Especially after the morale boosting April Revolution, there might be a temptation among some to push the envelope. But we can not go against what we fought for. We fought for human rights.

Free speech is not okay only as long as someone only says things you like. Free speech is also okay when someone makes you feel uncomfortable. By extension, the right to property applies to the poor, but it also applies to the rich.

But then I am all for massive investments in education, in health, in micro credit. I am all for land reform. I am so eager, I can't wait. That is why I want us to breeze through peace talks, and the constituent assembly, and a new constitution and a new parliament fast. So we can get down to meaningful stuff like land reform.

Land Reform, Truth And Reconciliation

All Party Government Also At The Local Levels

We should end up with an eight party government at the center, and eight party governments at the local levels as well. More than anything else, it will be a great contribution to the peace process. I see this as a trust building measure second to none.

If the Maoists are to be watched - I don't think they need to be - but if there is a need to keep an eye on them, what better way than to join them to govern?
Who will prevail?: Fight over local bodies NepalNews CPN (UML)—one of the constituents of the Seven Party Alliance—has locked horns with the CPN (Maoist) over the issue of reinstatement of the local bodies that were elected nine years ago ...... the Maoists .... their parallel "people's governments" constituted by them at the local level ...... such bodies could be dissolved after the success of the peace talks between the government and the Maoists...... "Rather than reviving local bodies we can go ahead by forming political units, comprising representation of all political parties," said Sharma. “We have People’s army, People’s Government and Autonomous regions, we are ready to resolve such issues through the process of negotiations” ....... The UML—that had won elections in nearly 60 percent of the seats in the local bodies during the last elections—has also been demanding that popularly elected representatives to local bodies be reinstated through political decision. .......Shanker Pokhrel, a CPN UML lawmaker ..... Pokhrel further added that the issue of reinstatement of local bodies could be discussed during the negotiation table and provision should be made to incorporate the Maoists at the local level as well when they participate in the interim government...... differences like reinstatement of the local bodies should not be blown out of proportions...... 'unseen struggle' between the CPN (Maoist) and the CPN (UML) over the issue of strengthening their organizational bases at the local level. Thousands of local cadres of the UML defected the party after its vertical split in 1998 and joined the CPN (Maoist).
I am not too worried about this political tussle between the two left parties. There is some bargaining going on. There is some posturing involved. That is but normal. I am sure they will hash out the details during the peace talks.

Prachanda Out In The Open
Prachanda in Makawanpur Kantipur Publications Maoist party chairman Prachanda, in his first public appearance since the success of the people's movement, said his party was committed to making the current peace talks a success. The party's second-in-command, Dr Baburam Bhattarai, also appeared in public for the first time since the movement...... Addressing a mass meeting at Chakari of Handikhola VDC-1 in Makawanpur district Monday evening, the two top Maoist leaders warned of a "violent storm" of protests in case the talks fail. ...... although not scheduled, the Maoist leaders addressed the gathering in response to locals' request..... The locals said that the two Maoist leaders have been residing in the area for the last couple of days.
I am glad they are out and about. Prachanda needs to be seriously demystified. I hope he addresses many mass meetings, and gives many media interviews.

As for some of the hot talk, I think they are decompressing after having lived underground for so long. So we should take it with a grain of salt.

Prachanda wants Birendra's property nationalized. I came out saying the same before he did. So I am not alarmed. That also shows his pragmatism. He is not saying confiscate all of the king's property.

I just wish upon both Prachanda and Baburam plentiful media exposure at this point in time.

We are more eager than them to make sure the peace talks don't fail. And it won't fail.

In The News

‘National advisory body should be formed to supervise govt until CA polls’ NepalNews
HoR endorses ‘historic’ proposal on women rights
Koirala to visit Bangkok for health check-up
UN ready to extend help in Nepal peace process: Gautam
Three ex-ministers’ case presented before full court, hearing deferred

India making up its mind on U.N. role in Nepal Kantipur Publications
House approves proposal allowing citizenship under mother's name
Govt has not mobilized army: Home Minister
Defending Secularism in Nepal
Parliamentary committee to monitor truce, code of conduct
SC fails to hear case on three ex-ministers of royal cabinet
Govt to send letter inviting UN
Denmark to provide Rs 2b additional aid
धर्मनिरपेक्षको विरोधमा 'राजावादी'
अस्थिरता ल्याउन आपराधिक गतिविधि तीव्र’
प्रचण्ड र बाबुराम मकवानपुरमा
आन्दोलन दबाउन पाँच सय भिजिलान्ते नियुक्त’
निःशुल्क शिक्षा माग
मुलुक गणराज्य भइसक्यो ः पौडेल पोखरा, जेठ १६ - कांग्रेस महामन्त्री रामचन्द्र पौडेल .... पौडेलले जेठ ४ गतेको संसद्को घोषणाले मुुलक अब नेपाल अधिराज्यबाट गणराज्य घोषणा भइसकेको बताउँदै राजतन्त्र र गणतन्त्रको भ्रममा अब कोही पनि पर्न नहुुने उल्लेख गरे । 'राजा किनारा लागिसकेका छन, कति योग्यताको कति अयोग्यताको प्रदर्शन गर्नसक्छौं त्यो अब हाम्रै हातमा छ,' पौडेलले भनेे- 'कांग्रेस अब प्रतिरक्षात्मक अवस्थामा बस्नुु पर्दैन, अग्रगामी भएर जानेछ ।' माओवादीभन्दा कुुनै पनि कुुरामा कांग्रेस पछि नपर्ने दृढता व्यक्त गर्दै पौडेलले भने- 'पुुरातनपन्थी, सामन्तवादको अवशेषको चिन्ता र ठेक्का कांग्रेसले लिने होइन ।' २००७ सालमा कांग्रेसले गरेको क्रान्ति राणा शासनलाई फालेर शाह शासनलाई जन्माउन नभएको बताउँदै पौडेलले अब मुुलुुक गणराज्यमा परिणत भइसकेको दाबी गरे ।
संसद् विघटन खतरा ः मन्त्री पाण्डे
प्रतिगमनकारीसँग सचेत रहन आग्रह
महतो संसदीय दलका नेता राजविराज, जेठ १६ - सद्भावना -आनन्दीदेवी) को मंगलबार यहाँ सम्पन्न केन्द्रीय कमिटी बैठकले राजेन्द्र महतोलाई संसदीय दलका नेतामा सर्वसम्मत चयन गरेको छ । बैठकले हृदयेश त्रिपाठीलाई मन्त्रिपरिषद्मा प्रतिनिधित्व गराउने निर्णय पनि गरेको छ ।
आचारसंहिताको उल्लंघन
वार्ताका व्यवधान
बहुजातीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र

Tuesday, May 30, 2006

Nepal Janajati Statement From NYC





For Immediate Release: Restructuring the State and Nepal’s Indigenous People

At the eve of annual United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York City, a group of prominent adibasi janajati (indigenous nationalities) leaders from Nepal, scholars, professionals, students, human rights activists, and representatives of several adibasi janajati organizations in the US gathered for a day long deliberations at The New School University on May 20, 2006. Thirty participants focused on important contributions that adibasi janajatis have made to the process of democratization since 1990 and especially during the jana-andolan II of April 2006. The group also discussed crucial challenges and opportunities facing adibasi janajati and other marginalized groups such as dalits, madhesis, and women at this crucial juncture. The reinstatement of parliament and subsequent decisions to severely curtail the role of monarchy, declare Nepal a secular state and the promise to hold elections for a Constituent Assembly are welcome developments. However, the group calls for the following measures to ensure creation of a new Nepali state that is truly inclusive, just, and democratic, especially for the adibasi janajatis and other marginalized groups:

  • Promise for Constituent Assembly must be honored with a guarantee for proportional representation of adibasi janajati and other marginalized groups and a concrete time line.
  • Strongly support call for international mediation, preferably by a body like the UN or a credible third party to ensure a peaceful resolution of armed conflict and transparent process of holding Constituent Assembly.
  • An open and inclusive process for the Constituent Assembly must be established. Allow ample time for all sections of society, especially adibasi janajati and other marginalized groups to understand and provide input in shaping the new constitution. The government and international community should mobilize necessary resources to support this critical awareness raising process and ensure maximum participation by Nepali people.
  • The interim government that is responsible for the Constituent Assembly elections must include representatives of the adibasi janajati and other marginalized groups outside the seven party alliances.
  • Nepali citizens living outside of Nepal should be allowed to vote in the Constituent Assembly and national elections.
  • Restructuring of the state must prioritize the interests of adibasi janajati and marginalized groups in Nepal. Various models such as administrative federalism, and ethnic autonomous regions should be carefully explored to redress historical inequities and injustices.
  • Adibasi janajatis must forge alliances with other marginalized groups based on common agendas and work towards sustained political transformation.
  • Last but not least, all groups should acknowledge inter and intra groups inequality and discrimination and work to end it.

For further information contact: Ashok Gurung (gurunga@newschool.edu) and/or Susan Hangen (shangen@ramapo.edu).


Participants:

  • Dr. Susan Hangen, Assistant Professor, Anthropology, Ramapo College
  • Parmendra Bhagat, President, Hamro Nepal
  • Dr. Mahendra Lawoti, Assistant Professor, Political Science, Western Michigan University
  • Manaslu Gurung
  • Arjun Gurung, Vice President, Information Technology, Goldman Sachs and Secretary, The Gurung (Tamu) Society Inc., USA
  • Indra Raj Ghale
  • Dr. Sukh Gurung, Engineer, Schoor Depalma and Advisor, The Gurung (Tamu) Society Inc., USA
  • Mukta S. Tamang, Ph.D. Candidate, Anthropology, Cornell University
  • Janak Rai, graduate student, Anthropology, University of Michigan
  • Basanta Ranjitkar, Activist and participant, Martin Chautari
  • Ashmina Ranjit, MFA, Columbia University
  • Shiva Kumar Rai, Ph.D. Candidate, University of New Hampshire
  • B.K. Rana, Faculty, Harvard University and Nepal-US Indigenous Peoples forum Inc.
  • Bijay Rai
  • Narayan Gurung, President, The Gurung (Tamu) Society Inc., USA
  • Tika Gurung, Vice President, The Gurung (Tamu) Society Inc., USA and City Planner, City of New York
  • Ashok Gurung, Director, India China Institute, and Faculty, New School University
  • Pashupati Chaudhary, Ph.D. candidate, Environmental Sciences/Biology, University of Massachusetts, Boston
  • Moti P. Thapa, Secretary, Langhali Association, USA
  • Shambhu Rai
  • Om Gurung, General Secretary, Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities
  • Giri Gurung, Student
  • Pasang Dorchi Sherpa, President, Himalayan Health and Education Society
  • Ngawang Sonam Sherpa, Executive chairperson, Nepal Indigenous Nationalities Preservation Association
  • Parsuram Tamang, Member, United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
  • Sirjana Subba
  • Makar B. Rai
  • Keshab Ram Rai, Member, The Global Federation of Indigenous People of Nepal, New York
  • Karma G. Sherpa, President, The Global Federation of Indigenous People of Nepal, New York
  • Nagendra Rana, Treasurer, The Global Federation of Indigenous People of Nepal, New York
Adivasi Janajati Talk At Harvard: Photos
Hindus, Chill
What's Wrong With The ANA Convention
Democracy Diwali At The Nepali Mandir
Janajati Sammelan At The New School
Dixit, Lawoti, Tamrat At Asia Society

Democracy Diwali 10 (Audio)

बहुजातीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र

जितेन्द्र देव

देश अब संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको चरणमा प्रवेश गरिसकेको छ । अब यो निर्वाचनलाई कुनै पनि शक्तिले रोक्न सक्दैन । संविधानसभामार्फत लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र स्थापना गर्ने छलफल जारी रहेको सन्दर्भमा मधेसी, जनजाति र दलित कोणबाट यसबारे बहस चल्नु समिचीन छ ।

संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको बहस दुई पहलुमा चलाउनु उचित देखिन्छ । पहिलो संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको प्रक्रिया र पद्धति । दोस्रो नयाँ संविधानको संभावित रूपरेखा । यस विषयमा बहस सुरु गर्दा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय अनुभव र उदाहरणहरूसमेत प्रस्तुत गर्न सकिन्छ । तर नेपाली परिवेशमा के राम्रो र के नराम्रो के आवश्यक र के अनावश्यक छ त्यतातिर ध्यान केन्दि्रत हुनुपर्छ ।

संविधानसभा निर्वाचन प्रक्रिया र पद्धतितिर जाँदा यसमा पाँच कुरा महत्त्वपूर्ण देखिन्छन् । पहिलो निर्वाचन क्षेत्र निर्धारण, दोस्रो कुल सिट संख्या निर्धारण, तेस्रो प्रतिनिधित्व सिद्धान्त, चौथो, व्यापक सहभागिता र पाँचौ उम्मेदवारको न्यूनतम योग्यताको प्रश्न । यी प्रश्नहरूलाई सम्बोधन गर्दा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय लोकतान्त्रिक मापदण्ड र स्थापित सर्वमान्य मूल्य र मान्यतालाई अनुशरण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । यी कुरा विचार गर्दा ठोस नेपाली परिवेश र यथार्थमा उपरोक्त प्रश्नहरूलाई सम्बोधन गर्नु लोकतान्त्रिक हुनेछ । पहिलो निर्वाचन क्षेत्रको निर्धारण भौगोलिक, भाषिक र सांस्कृतिक एकरूपताको आधारमा गर्ने दोस्रो सिट संख्याको निर्धारण जनसंख्याको आधारमा गर्ने तेस्रो प्रतिनिधित्वको सिद्धान्तको हकमा सामुदायिक समानुपातिक सिद्धान्तलाई ग्रहण गर्ने चौथो व्यापक सहभागिताको सिद्धान्तलाई कार्यान्वयन गर्न नागरिकताको प्रमाणपत्र नपाएका नेपालीको लागि वर्तमान प्रतिनिधिसभाद्वारा ०३६ सालको जनमत संग्रहको नामावलीलाई आधार वर्ष निर्धारण गरी ती सबैलाई नागरिकता उपलब्ध गराई यस ऐतिहासिक र युगान्तकारी निर्वाचनमा सहभागी गराउने र पाँचौं उम्मेदवारहरूका लागि निश्चित न्यूनतम योग्यता र अनुभव तथा दखलको मापदण्ड निर्धारण गर्ने ।

संविधानसभा निर्वाचनपछिको चरणमा नयाँ संविधानको खाका के हुने त्यसबारे केही मात्रै भए पनि पूर्वछलफल आवश्यक छ । भावी संविधानको साइनो र सम्बन्ध नेपाली मौलिकता र यथार्थसँग गाँसिएको हुनैपर्छ र महान् आन्दोलनकारी जनताको चाहना, ऐतिहासिक जनआन्दोलनको निर्देशनलाई पालन गरेकै हुनुपर्छ । ती सबै कुरा विचार गर्दा संविधान निर्माता सभासद्हरूले नेपालको भौगोलिक, भाषिक र सांस्कृतिक यथार्थ मनन तथा ग्रहण गर्नु र त्यसलाई संविधानको धारा-उपधाराहरूमा लिपिबद्ध गर्नु उचित हुनेछ । त्यसका लागि केही अवधारणा यसप्रकार छन्-

एक संविधानको प्रस्तावनाको प्रस्थान बिन्दु यसरी सुरु गर्ने— नेपाल भनेको मधेसी र पहाडी गरी दुई समुदायका मानिस सदीऔंदेखि आपसी भाइचारा र पे्रममा बस्दै गरेको साझा फूलबारी हो । दुई व्यवस्थापिका, कार्यपालिका र न्यायपालिका -राज्य) मा सामुदायिक समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको सिद्धान्तलाई स्थापित गर्ने ।

तेस्रो अलोकतान्त्रिक र जनविरोधी एकात्मक शासन प्रणालीलाई अन्त गरी प्रान्तीय स्वायत्तताको आधारमा पूर्ण संघीय शासन प्रणाली -रक्षा, परराष्ट्र, अर्थबाहेक) स्थापित गरी राज्यलाई समावेशी बनाई पुनर्संरचना गर्ने ।

चौथो वर्तमान एक भाषा प्रभुत्वलाई समाप्त गरी नेपालमा राष्ट्र भाषाको हकमा 'बहुभाषा सूत्र' सुरु गर्ने ।

पाँचौं पोसाक कुनै पनि देशको संस्कृति र जलवायुको प्रतिबिम्ब भएकाले नेपाली मौलिकताअनुसार देशलाई धर्मजस्तै 'पोसाक निरपेक्ष' घोषणा गर्ने ।

छैठौं मुलुककोे जनसंख्यालाई क्षेत्रीय सन्तुलनमा कायम राख्न निर्देशक सिद्धान्तका रूपमा एउटा ठोस राष्ट्रिय जनसंख्या नीति निरुपण गर्ने आदि ।

संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको सन्दर्भमा उपरोक्त छलफल गरिसकेपछि बहुजातीय तोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र बारे पनि केही छलफल गर्नु वाञ्छनीय देखिन्छ । लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रमा दुई शब्द छन्— लोकतन्त्र र गणतन्त्र । यसको अंग्रेजी अनुवाद हुन्छ— डेमोक्रेसी र रिपब्लिक । यी दुई राजनीतिक शब्दावलीले यर्थाथमा राजनीतिक स्वरूप र संरचनालाई मात्रै बुझाउँछ । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायले पनि यसरी नै बुझ्ने गर्दछ । तर नेपाली जनआन्दोलनले नेपाली डेमोक्रेस्ाीलाई मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय स्वरूपअनुसार समावेशी बनाउन र राज्य तथा शासन प्रणालीको पुनर्संरचना गर्न निर्देशन गरेको छ । यस्तो स्थितिमा समावेश कसलाई गर्ने र ती कस्ता खालका समुदाय हुन् । त्यसको प्रतिबिम्ब हुनु जरुरी हुन्छ । नेपाल बहुजातीय र बहुसांस्कृतिक चरित्रको देश हो । यस्तो स्थितिमा वर्तमान डेमोक्रेसीलाई समावेशी बनाउने हो भने यसमा बहुजातीय र बहुसांस्कृतिक स्वरूप प्रदान गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । समावेशी अवधारणाको अक्षर र भावना पनि यही हो । यस्तो स्थितिमा लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रलाई डेमोक्रेटिक, रिपब्लिक मात्रै भन्नु अपूर्ण र आंशिक हुनेछ । यसलाई पूर्णता र सत्यतामा राख्दा यो 'बहुजातीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र' हुन आउँछ । यति भन्नेबितिक्कै त्यसको सार र रूपमा एकरूपता आउँछ र यो राष्ट्रिय-अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय रूपमा सहज ग्रहणीय र बोधगम्य हुन्छ । किनकि यो आफैंमा एउटा राजनीतिक शब्दावली हुन्छ, जसले नेपाली मौलिकतालाई झल्काउँछ । तसर्थ हामीले लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रमा समावेशी चरित्र थप्नेबितिकै यसको सार बहुजातीय हुनपुग्छ र यसले सबैको समान रूपमा प्रतिनिधित्व खोज्छ । एमाले नेता मदन भण्डारीले 'नयाँ जनवाद' मा बहुदलीयता थप्नेबितिक्कै रूपमा कार्यक्रमको नाम बहुदलीय जनवाद अर्थात् जनताको बहुदलीय जनवाद राख्ो । यस पछाडिको दर्शन, सिद्धान्त र राजनीतिको नेपाली राजनीतिमा व्यापक र गहन बहस भइसकेको छ । तसर्थ वर्तमान सन्दर्भमा पनि यो कुरा अति उचित र सान्दर्भिक छ । त्यसैले अब 'लोकतात्रिक गणतन्त्र' मात्र नभनी यसलाई 'बहुजातीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र' भन्नुपर्छ । अनि मात्र यसले समावेशी अवधारणा, देशको बहुजातीयता र बहुसांस्कृतिकतालाई प्रतिविम्बित गर्नेछ ।

-देव मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मञ्चका कावा अध्यक्ष हुन्)