Prachanda's Transitional Republic

Audio: Interview With Prachanda

You can accuse Prachanda of many things, but dishonesty and deception are not among them. He is a smart guy, no doubt about it. He is mentally sharp, organizationally savvy. And when he says he is willing to fight to the finish, I do believe him.

So when he says he is for elections to a constituent assembly, I do believe him. When he says he is for a democratic republic, I do believe him. And he does mean a "capitalist" republic, he emphasizes. But then he has also never hid the fact that for him that democratic republic would only be transitory. That would not be his end goal. And when he says that, I do believe him. I don't think he is bluffing.

The two Congress parties and the UML could have come for a constituent assembly in the year 2000, but they did not. They could have come around to the idea in the year 2004, but they did not. It took a royal coup for them to see the light. Even after the 2/1 coup, the Koirala Congress dithered for months before it finally came around to the idea.

My point being the Maoists have been taking the initiative. They were the first to declare a ceasefire, they have been the first to form a team for peace talks.

The seven party alliance can do better than this. If not, there is an urgent need for a new political party.

One Central Committee Member For Every Million Nepali
The April Revolution Asks For A New Political Party
An Open Letter To Gagan Thapa

The seven parties were not the ones to take the initiative on the constituent assembly.

These are the next few agenda items on which the seven parties could take the lead.

1. Fast paced peace talks with concrete results. If that might involve the UN and others, then so be it. Somewhere along the way Maoist abductions and extortions will have to come to a complete stop. Without that no constituent assembly elections can be imagined.
   
2. The structure of the constituent assembly: one person, one vote. I have proposed 300 seats of roughly equal population. (Constituent Assembly: 300 Seats Of Roughly Equal Population)
3. Federal republic. I believe the seven party alliance should adopt that as their stated goal before they go for the constituent assembly elections.
   
4. And the only way to counter Prachanda's transitory republic talk is to reinvent democracy itself. A cutting edge total, transparent democracy where parties are not allowed to raise funds, instead they get state funds in direct proportion to the number of votes they earn.

I hope the seven parties can come around to these four agenda items before the Maoists do. Otherwise the Maoists will leave them in the dust. And if the seven parties will not do it, I don't see how we can avoid the idea of a new political party.

Dissolve Parliament Only Two Months Before Constituent Assembly Elections
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In The News

Maoist negotiation team formed: Report NepalNews
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Rayamajhi commission sworn in
Government committed to press freedom: PM Koirala
Trade unions demand to scrap the labour ordinance
Govt. grants broad mandate to the Rayamajhi Commission
Inclusive democracy and restructuring of the state common goals: Koirala

Law changes as Nepal's king reined in New Zealand Herald, New Zealand
Nepal King to be investigated for abuse Monsters and Critics.com, UK
Nepal King to be investigated for abuse Malaysia Sun
Nepal gov't to investigate King for rights abuses World Peace Herald
Nepal rebels seize seven NEWS.com.au, Australia
Nepal to probe 'royal excesses' BBC News, UK
Nepal annuls draconian press law Sify, India
Nepal parliament concerned over Maoists’ extortion activities India eNews.com, India

Commission will probe as per people's aspirations: Rayamajhi Kantipur Publications
Manager beats worker to death
Rayamajhi Commission gets wide mandate
क्षमताभन्दा दोब्बर बढी बोकेको टेम्पो नहरमा
घाइते बचाउन टेलिमेडिसिन
बारको अडान फेरियो
'अहिलेकै संविधानबाट अघि बढ्नुपर्छ'
सुरक्षाकर्मी-माओवादी भलाकुसारी
बाबुछोरै मारिएपछि परिवारको बिचल्ली
संविधानसभाबारे छलफल
६ अध्यादेश खारेज
अतिक्रमण गर्नेलाई कारबाहीको चेतावनी
अविश्वसनीय मिलापत्र
पाँचौ आयाम
संविधानसभाका अन्तर्वस्तु

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सुरक्षाकर्मी-माओवादी भलाकुसारी

शाहीमान राई

भोजपुर, वैशाख २६ - आपसी कटुता बिर्सिएर सुरक्षाकर्मी र माओवादीले खुला संवाद थालेका छन् । युद्धविरामपछि सदरमुकाम झरेका माओवादी सर्वसाधारणसँग पनि उत्तिकै

भलाकुसारी गर्छन् ।

तपाईंहरू कसका निम्ति लड्दैहुनुहुन्छ ? एक माओवादी कार्यकर्ताले सैनिक जवानलाई सोद्धै भने- 'हामी त जनताको निम्ति लडेका हौं ।' ती सैनिक जवानले हास्दै जवाफ दिए- 'हामी पनि देशकै लागि ।' शाही सेनाका अर्का जवानले पनि माओवादी किसान नेता हरिबहादुर बुढाथोकीसित भने- 'तपाइर्ंहरूले हामीलाई घर जान दिनुभएन, अपहरण, कुटपिट, यातना र हत्यासमेत गनर्ुभयो । वषौर्ंदेखि परिवार भेट्न पाएका छैनौं ।'

युद्धकालमा सेना र माओवादी दुवैले आफूमाथि अन्याय परेको गुनासो गर्दै थिए उनीहरू । 'एकआपसमा मारामार गरिरहेका छौं, अब त्यसो नगरौं' माओवादी कार्यकर्ताले भने- 'सेना माओवादी हामी सबै दाजुभाइ ।' उनले सैनिक जवानलाई भने- 'तिमीहरू राजाको शासन थाम्ने खम्बामात्र हौ ।'

माओवादी निकट अखिल क्रान्तिकारीद्वारा आयोजित खुला सभा गर्दै शनिबारदेखि सदरमुकाम प्रवेश गरेका माओवादी कार्यकर्ताले केही दिनपछि माथिल्लो निकायको उपस्थितिमा जनसभा गर्ने बताएका

छन् । अघिल्ला युद्धविराममा भने यसरी माओवादीका कुनै कार्यकर्ता सदरमुकाममा खुला हिँडेका

थिएनन् । माओवादी एक युवतीले फेरि सोधिन्- 'तपाईंहरू शाही सेना कि राष्ट्रिय सेना ?' सैनिक युवाले अक्मकिँदै भने- 'हामी पनि तपाईंहरूजस्तै ।

चार दिनदेखि भोजपुर सदरमुकाममा दर्जनौं माओवादी कार्यकर्ता छिरेका

छन् । ब्यापारी, शिक्षक, कर्मचारी सबैसित भेटघाट, राजनीतिक छलफल र आपmनो पार्टीको धारणा राख्ने गरेका छन् । माओवादीलाई पक्राउ गर्ने, थुन्ने, यातना दिने, मार्ने, गोली हान्ने सुरक्षाकर्मी र सुराकी, सामन्त, शोषक, अपराधीको नाममा सेना, प्रहरी र तिनका परिवारलाई अपहरण गर्ने, घरजग्गा कब्जा गरी विस्थापित गराउने माओवादीबाट अहिले सर्वसाधारणले राहत महसुस गरेका छन् । अनन्तले सैनिक जवानलाई सम्झाउँदै भने- 'हामी सबै नेपाली दाजुभाइ हौं, मारामार गर्न हुन्न ।' माओवादी आक्रमणबाट जोगिन सदरमुकामस्थित प्रहरी कार्यालयको कम्पाउन्ड फलामे तारजालीले बलियो घेराबन्दी गरेका डीएसपी नलप्रसाद उपाध्यायलगायत सरकारी कर्मचारीसित समेत माओवादीले प्रत्यक्ष कुराकानी गरिरहेका छन् ।

Dissolve Parliament Only Two Months Before Constituent Assembly Elections

Prachanda wants the parliament and the constitution dissolved, and an interim government and an interim constitution set up. I can understand why. The Maoists have no representation in this parliament and no stake in this constitution. And I myself have espoused the cause of an interim constitution and an interim government a long time. (Interim Constitution, Revolutionary Parliament) But that was when the king was saying he did not have the option to revive the 1999 House, and he was right. There were no legal, constitutional provisions to that effect.

But that was then. Now is now. Now the parliament has been revived through a political decision.

The primary goal of this parliament is elections to a constituent assembly. The sooner we get there, the better. It will likely have to happen after monsoon, but there is no reason why it can not happen before Dashain.

According to the 12 point agreement, the two armies are to be put under international supervision and then the country goes to a constituent assembly. I don't see this arrangement as problematic, although this is not my personal first choice. (Dismantle The Two Armies) Besides, it is in the 12 point understanding. We already agreed to it.

But before the seven party alliance can order the state army into UN supervision, it will have to bring it firmly under the parliament first. That has the added advantage of the seven party alliance ending up with an army. That can be an element of strength against any possible attempts at regression from people who just lost power, and also against any possible Maoist misadventures, not that I see any in the works.

We have agreed that the two armies will be placed under UN supervision - and this will be a first in world history, and might as well - and then, after the elections, going by the election results, we will bring the two armies together. Now, this part is not that clear. And this is where we have to drive a hard bargain.

Even if Nepal is to still have an army, it can not be too large, and it has to be representative of all ethnic groups and more in the country. The Maoists have done an amazing job in terms of what proportion of their fighters are women. That proportion has to be retained or enhanced in the unified army. The unified army should have at least 30% Madhesi representation, for example. Many of the top brass in the state army will be gone. The hiring, firing and promotion structures will have to become meritocratic: they will have to be fundamentally redesigned.

I don't think the Maoists do not want to disarm now because they still secretly want a communist republic, and they are simply waiting to pounce on the seven party alliance. I think they want a democratic republic, and in that republic they want an army that is truly representative of the people. Sad to note the Maoists are one step ahead of the seven parties on this topic as well.

The longer the parliament stays on, more will be the money the seven party MPs will make through their salaries, and they will have some extra cash during the elections. I can understand why that is to the Maoists' disadvantage.

But I think the parliament should only be dissolved two months before the election date. This is to limit possibilities of regression. And this is also to keep the pressure on the Maoists during the peace talks. The sooner the talks can take place and conclude, sooner the election dates are announced, sooner the parliament can be dissolved.

The Maoists surely will be part of the interim government that will hold the elections. But that interim government only takes shape after the peace talks have concluded.

So, step one, bring the army firmly under the parliament. Step two, hold peace talks and conclude them fast. I think this phase should be as smooth as the constituent assembly elections topic. Because you already have agreement on the end results, the talks themselves should be smooth and quick.

All seven parties are going to have to take a stand on the army, just like all seven of them are going to have to take a clear stand on the monarchy before they go into the elections to the constituent assembly. How big will be the army? What will its composition be in terms of ethnicity and gender? How will you handle the two armies after the elections? How will you downsize? How will you rightsize to ensure fair representation?

I think the combined army should be 30,000 strong max. More than that would be a waste. And if 30% of them are women, and another 30% Madhesi, you are looking at 12,000 slots for the Pahadi men who have traditionally hogged all the space. Tens of thousands of currently gun toting Pahadi men will have to be sent into the private sector of the economy.

And there is no reason why the constituent assembly should need more than six months to give the country a new constitution. To hold parliamentary elections under a new constitution by next April should be our goal. That is not too ambitious at all. We will likely hold parliamentary and presidential elections all at once. And then local elections within six months of that.

Audio: Interview With Prachanda
Gagan Thapa, Hari Roka, Ram Kumari Jhankri, Rajendra Rai, Krishna Pahadi

In The News

Govt. scraps three ordinances NepalNews
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SC committed towards fulfilling people’s aspirations towards justice: CJ Poudel
Hope is Not a Method

UN envoy offers support to Nepal peace process Reuters AlertNet, UK
Nepal Maoists abduct three despite ceasefire Hindustan Times, India
Agriculture contributes 38 pct to GDP of Nepal: Minister People's Daily Online, China
Nepal Govt to name team for talks with Maoists within one week Zee News, India
Maoists want power pie in Nepal CNN-IBN
DANGER OF COUNTER-REVOLUTION Calcutta Telegraph

ADB urged to start fresh investigation, review of Melamchi project Kantipur Publications
Maoists appeal for release of prisoners
CJ to review Ojha's appointment
EU committed to enhance assistance
विद्यार्थीले राजारानीको तस्बिर फुटाए
संविधानसभाको तिथि तोक’
दमनकारीको कालोसूची सार्वजनिक
संविधानसभामा ढिलाइ नगर्न आग्रह
राजदूतहरूको नियुक्ति

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