Prachanda wants the parliament and the constitution dissolved, and an interim government and an interim constitution set up. I can understand why. The Maoists have no representation in this parliament and no stake in this constitution. And I myself have espoused the cause of an interim constitution and an interim government a long time. (Interim Constitution, Revolutionary Parliament) But that was when the king was saying he did not have the option to revive the 1999 House, and he was right. There were no legal, constitutional provisions to that effect.
But that was then. Now is now. Now the parliament has been revived through a political decision.
The primary goal of this parliament is elections to a constituent assembly. The sooner we get there, the better. It will likely have to happen after monsoon, but there is no reason why it can not happen before Dashain.
According to the 12 point agreement, the two armies are to be put under international supervision and then the country goes to a constituent assembly. I don't see this arrangement as problematic, although this is not my personal first choice. (Dismantle The Two Armies) Besides, it is in the 12 point understanding. We already agreed to it.
But before the seven party alliance can order the state army into UN supervision, it will have to bring it firmly under the parliament first. That has the added advantage of the seven party alliance ending up with an army. That can be an element of strength against any possible attempts at regression from people who just lost power, and also against any possible Maoist misadventures, not that I see any in the works.
We have agreed that the two armies will be placed under UN supervision - and this will be a first in world history, and might as well - and then, after the elections, going by the election results, we will bring the two armies together. Now, this part is not that clear. And this is where we have to drive a hard bargain.
Even if Nepal is to still have an army, it can not be too large, and it has to be representative of all ethnic groups and more in the country. The Maoists have done an amazing job in terms of what proportion of their fighters are women. That proportion has to be retained or enhanced in the unified army. The unified army should have at least 30% Madhesi representation, for example. Many of the top brass in the state army will be gone. The hiring, firing and promotion structures will have to become meritocratic: they will have to be fundamentally redesigned.
I don't think the Maoists do not want to disarm now because they still secretly want a communist republic, and they are simply waiting to pounce on the seven party alliance. I think they want a democratic republic, and in that republic they want an army that is truly representative of the people. Sad to note the Maoists are one step ahead of the seven parties on this topic as well.
The longer the parliament stays on, more will be the money the seven party MPs will make through their salaries, and they will have some extra cash during the elections. I can understand why that is to the Maoists' disadvantage.
But I think the parliament should only be dissolved two months before the election date. This is to limit possibilities of regression. And this is also to keep the pressure on the Maoists during the peace talks. The sooner the talks can take place and conclude, sooner the election dates are announced, sooner the parliament can be dissolved.
The Maoists surely will be part of the interim government that will hold the elections. But that interim government only takes shape after the peace talks have concluded.
So, step one, bring the army firmly under the parliament. Step two, hold peace talks and conclude them fast. I think this phase should be as smooth as the constituent assembly elections topic. Because you already have agreement on the end results, the talks themselves should be smooth and quick.
All seven parties are going to have to take a stand on the army, just like all seven of them are going to have to take a clear stand on the monarchy before they go into the elections to the constituent assembly. How big will be the army? What will its composition be in terms of ethnicity and gender? How will you handle the two armies after the elections? How will you downsize? How will you rightsize to ensure fair representation?
I think the combined army should be 30,000 strong max. More than that would be a waste. And if 30% of them are women, and another 30% Madhesi, you are looking at 12,000 slots for the Pahadi men who have traditionally hogged all the space. Tens of thousands of currently gun toting Pahadi men will have to be sent into the private sector of the economy.
And there is no reason why the constituent assembly should need more than six months to give the country a new constitution. To hold parliamentary elections under a new constitution by next April should be our goal. That is not too ambitious at all. We will likely hold parliamentary and presidential elections all at once. And then local elections within six months of that.
Audio: Interview With Prachanda
Gagan Thapa, Hari Roka, Ram Kumari Jhankri, Rajendra Rai, Krishna Pahadi
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