Tuesday, January 31, 2006

Non-Violence All The Way


All that proponents of violence promise can be achieved through non-violence and better. Violence actually gets in the way. If we stick to non-violence, we are forced to work to raise the people's political consciousness. Violence is an unwelcome short cut. It is not even a short cut. Violence muddles up things where what is needed is clarity.

The seven party alliance is unflinchingly committed to non-violence. I am not worried there might be an ideological shift towards violence. I am not even worried about Maoist infiltration. I am worried about state violence and I am worried about accidental violence on our part.

We have worked out a loose alliance with the Maoists. That is great. But we democrats should be leading the Maoists rather than the other way around. We will not be actors in a multi-party communist democracy. The Maoists will be one party in our multi-party democracy. We will not resort to violence. They will eventually disarm, as they have said they will.

If we stoke the people's passions, but not provide a clear roadmap, a clear leadership, or if we disappear from the scene, or are pushed out physically by the regime, the marchers could turn into a mob. That mob could turn violent. At the end of the day the old regime will likely have collapsed beyond repair. On the other hand, instead of like France in the late 1700s, we could end up like one of the African countries of recent times. There could be a long drawn out civil war at the end of which the country is worse off than it was before. We have to skip that part. We have to avoid that part.

Political leadership matters. The seven party alliance will make sure the country does not slide into a civil war. The alliance will make sure our revolution stays non-violent. Non-violence is our weapon, and it is stronger than the mightiest sword.

I am open to the idea of talking to the king and his people like Nelson Mandela was open to the idea of working with de Klerk. Remember, Mandela did not compromise on principle. South Africa became a full-fledged democracy. White rule was abolished. Apartheid was completely dismantled.

But dialogue requires that the king play ball. We can not hold dialogue with a king who does not want to talk. We can not hold dialogue with a king whose idea of dialogue might be that we finally come around to his ridiculous roadmap. If the Maoists are willing to get rid of the mantra of a communist republic after talks with us, what ground is the king willing to give? That is what the talks will be about.

The first order of business would be to cancel the municipal polls and get all the political leaders released. That could be a confidence building measure. And then we could go from there.

Dialogue with the king is not to break the Maoist-Democrat alliance to form a Democrat-Monarch alliance. That is not the idea. The idea is to bring the monarch to the table so as to create some common ground for all three forces to find a positive outlet for the country as a whole. The idea is to break the political paralysis.

But what if the king does not play ball? Then we will have the revolutionary non-violent option. We could get a few hundred thousand people to gherao the Narayanhiti until the king abdicated the throne. Then the revolution would declare the House revived. That House would act like the parliament during the French revolution. It could lawfully abolish the monarchy, bring the army under the parliament, confiscate the property of the members of the old regime that might have illegally amassed it, imprison members of the old regime on charges of treason for that is what conspiring against democracy is. You don't need a bloody revolution to do all that. You need a non-violent revolution, political clarity, and bold leadership. Bloodshed is uncalled for.

Considering we do have this revolutionary option, if and when we do talk to the king, we do so from a position of strength. That is why we have to be open to the idea of dialogue.

I don't understand the principled opposition to the idea of dialogue that some in the democratic camp hold. If you engage in talks where all you do is demand the release of all the politial prisoners, that is still dialogue. How could any democrat be opposed to do that? How much longer do we want our comrades behind bars!

If we then negotiate a roadmap to a constituent assembly, that is still dialogue.

A constituent assembly would be 300 constituencies of near equal population sending one elected representative each who will get together and write a new constitution for the country. I think there is basic agreement among the democrats and the Maoists that that is the goal. There can be more than one possible roadmap. And I think we have to be flexible about the roadmap. That is where dialogue comes in.

The roadmap is to be a political decision.

As to what form the dialogue will take, that is a second step discussion. What I mean to say here is that we have to be open to the concept of dialogue with the regime. I have Nelson Mandela on my side. What about you?

There can be no compromise on the idea of a full democracy, there can be no compromise on the idea of a constituent assembly. But we have to be flexible as to the roadmap, because we are trying to take three very different political forces to that assembly idea. We can not have a my way or highway attitude.

Constituent assembly will be a ton of dialogue. If we can not even manage the easier task of dialogue for a roadmap, what chances will we have with the assembly? Let the roadmap dialogue that includes the three forces be the dress rehearsal for the mega dialogue that a constituent assembly is bound to be. And we will have a second dress rehearsal when we hold our formal peace talks with the Maoists.

My proposal does not rule out the idea of getting rid of the monarchy before the constituent assembly elections are held, and it does not rule out the idea of getting rid of the monarchy with the sheer force of a revolution, but my proposal does suggest even that revolution has to be non-violent. What my proposal also says is that we have to gather strength for any eventuality, and the revolutionary alternative, but from that position of strength we have to be very open to the idea of dialogue with the king. We should end the autocracy like Mandela ended apartheid, it was through dialogue.

Dialogue is political work. It is in dialogue that your political skills get tested. If you are opposed to the very concept of dialogue, what kind of a political worker or leader are you?

अहिंसाका प्रश्न

Bringing them to book in the US

By MURARI RAJ SHARMA

A group of New York-based prominent attorneys and human rights activists has been working to turn the United States, a land of opportunities for most, into a forbidden land for human rights abusers in Nepal. Security officials are likely to be most affected by this initiative.

The group plans to take these human rights abusers - politicians, administrators, and army and police officials as well as Maoist leaders and commanders -- to US courts. It will collect information, facts and evidence against these abusers and prepare grounds for the attorneys to file lawsuits against them.

This group will name and shame the human rights violators by sharing information about them with UN agencies, civil society organizations and foreign governments. To shrink external space for such violators, the group will seek to collaborate with similar outfits in other democratic countries, which have laws with extraterritorial jurisdiction. While it will consider prior cases, the group will mostly focus its attention on serious cases of human rights violations that have occurred after February 1, 2005.

According to a press release issued on 18 January 2006 by Nepal Democratic Youth Council, USA, and Alliance for Human Rights and Democracy in Nepal, the group has established a panel, Human Rights Protection Coordination Committee (HRPCC) in New York and outlined its functions and scope. Through the press release, the group has also appealed to the victims of human rights violations, their family members, non-governmental organizations and interested individuals to share relevant and specific information with HRPCC to help do its tasks.

Keshav Sedain, a prominent Nepali-American attorney in New York, told this writer that Alien Tort Claims Act of 1789 "shall have original jurisdiction of any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." He added, in Filartiga v. Pena-Irala and Kadic v. Karadzic cases, US courts have held that a crime "perpetrated under the color of official authority violates universally accepted norms of international human rights law, and that such a violation of international law constitutes a violation of the domestic law of the United States…"

Often the compensation for damage runs into millions of dollars. A US federal appeal court upheld in 2003 a $4 million lawsuit against former Chilean army officer, Armando Fernandez Larios, held responsible for the 1973 murder of political prisoner Winston Cabello. Failure to pay such compensation might invite the confiscation of the assets or the jailing of the defendant, he added.

Sedain informed that criminal cases too could be brought to American courts if witnesses are available to testify against tormentors. To help this process, HRPCC intends to provide victims or their family members with travel assistance, in extraordinary circumstances, to take a stand in a court of law outside Nepal.

A member of the group told this writer that, as no one would expect Maoists to travel to the United States, government officials who come to meet their children, seek training or participate in meetings would mostly be brought to book in America. And security officials who wield force and who commit most human rights violations would, by default, constitute the majority of the panel's caseload.

This member added that the Committee would give priority to netting those security officials who have been accused of killing, raping, torturing, and causing disappearance of innocent people. Those who harm and hurt peaceful political demonstrators by the use of excessive and unwarranted force would not be spared either. Army and police officials who violate professional norms, or Geneva Conventions would be prosecuted. Those who have crushed people to help King Gyanendra consolidate his absolute power would not be condoned.

Another enthused member of the group confided that HRPCC had already swung into action. It was looking for collaborators in Nepal, the United States and elsewhere to collect concrete information and evidence to build litigable cases. It had begun lobbying UN officials to bar the known human rights violators in the Nepali military and police forces from participating in UN peacekeeping operations. The panel, he said, intended to pursue the recent assertion by the UN Human Rights Commissioner that not only rank and file but officers and commanders would also be brought to book for human rights violations. It plans to press for the implementation of Senator Leahy Patrick's call on the Bush administration to refuse US visas to the Nepali human rights abusers.

If the panel succeeds in its objective, government officials who are accused of human rights violation in Nepal would run significant risk of stiff financial penalty or jail term in America.

That said, another member of the group intoned, honest and human rights respecting security officials should be happy that they, as the rogues are weeded out, will have an increased opportunity to participate in peacekeeping operations and will not have to fear be prosecuted in the United States or under a UN tribunal.

The bell tolls only for those bad apples that, blinded by power, engage in wayward behavior to harm and hurt ordinary people or order to do so.

sharmamurari@hotmail.com

In The News

Warring parties killed 1,608 in 2005: Report Kantipur
One year of king's rule unsuccessful: Rana
Thousands demonstrate against autocracy in Delhi
Maoists attack Nepalgunj again, woman killed
Lift all radio censorship: AMARC
Municipal elections: No candidates for more than half seats

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Monday, January 30, 2006

कांग्रेसले रोज्नुपर्ने बाटो


Bringing them to book in the US by Murari Sharma

कांग्रेसले रोज्नुपर्ने बाटो

कांग्रेसले रोज्नुपर्ने बाटो

गगन थापा

प्रतिपक्षी राजनीति नियन्त्रण गर्न अधिकतम हिंसा र बल प्रयोग गर्नु अधिनायकवादी सत्ताको वंशानुगत विशेषता हो । यस्तो सत्ता न अधिक बल प्रयोगको सामाजिक या नागरिक प्रभावप्रति संवेदनशील हुने गर्छ, न यसले शासन प्रणालीभित्रका मतभेद र असहमति प्रकट गर्न स्वीकृत मार्ग नै उपलब्ध गराउँछ । मुठभेडको राजनीति यसको बाध्यता हुने गर्छ ।

कफ्र्यु, नजरबन्द, धरपकडजस्ता अलोकपि्रय कदम, न्यायपालिका तथा निर्वाचन आयोगमा गरिएको नग्न हस्तक्षेप, जनप्रदर्शनमाथि गरिएको बर्बर दमनजस्ता क्रूर कृत्यले राजाको अधिनायकवादी सत्ताको शासकीय बाध्यतालाई अभिव्यक्त गर्दैछन् । तर यही भीषण दमनले सिर्जना गरेको कोलाहलमा राजाका पाल्तु मुसाहरूले मसिनो स्वरमा संवाद र सहमतिको मन्त्र जप्न थालेको सुनिएको छ । राजनीतिक दलहरूलाई माओवादीको मतियार सावित गर्न भौतिक र बौद्धिक कसरत चलिरहेको समयमा कथित संवैधानिक शक्तिहरू माझको मिलनको प्रस्ताव निश्चित रूपमा सकारात्मक छैन । सत्ताको वैधानिकता पूरापुर संकटग्रस्त हुँदै गएपछि वैधानिकता प्राप्तिको नयाँ आधारको खोजीमा राजाका मुसाहरू नयाँ भूमिकामा देखा पर्दैछन् ।

आफ्नो वैधताको नवीकरणका निम्ति सत्ताले उठाएको निर्वाचनको जोखिम यसका निम्ति आत्मघाती हुने निश्चितप्रायः छ । निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गराए पनि यो सरकार हार्‍यो, स्थगन गरे पनि सरकार नै हार्‍यो ।

'रेड रिभलुसन थ्रेट' तेस्र्याएर सत्ताले प्राप्त गरिरहेको आंशिक अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समर्थनसमेत बितेका केही दिनहरूमा धराशायी बन्दै गइरहेको छ । सत्ता अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय एकलाव र एकलासको अवस्थामा आइपुगेको छ । आफ्नो अधिनायकवादी महत्त्वाकांक्षालाई आतंकवाद नामेट पार्दै प्रजातन्त्रमा र्फकने अभियानको आवरणमा ढाकछोप गर्न सकेमा मात्र माघ १९ ले अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय क्षेत्रबाट शंकाको सुविधा पाउन सक्ने यसको बुझाई छ । त्यसैले संवादको यो मसिनो स्वर आफूसँग हुँदै नभएको उदार र प्रजातान्त्रिक छवि प्रस्तुत गरेर सत्तासँग निरन्तर अलग र यसको प्रतिवादमा सुस्तरी एकढिक्का हुँदै गएको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायलाई दिग्भ्रमित पार्ने अर्को एउटा कुटिल चालमात्रै हो ।

हिंसात्मक विद्रोही शक्ति र आन्दोलनकारी दलहरूमाझ बृहत् जनसंघर्षमार्फत क्रान्तिकारी फड्को मार्ने अभियानमा भएको प्रारम्भिक समझदारीको दूरगामी राजनीतिक महत्त्वको अनुमान मात्रले पनि यो सत्ता सन्त्रस्त छ । यो समझदारीले सहकार्यको रूप ग्रहण गर्नुपूर्व नै शैशव अवस्थाको दल-माओवादी गठबन्धन तोड्नु कमजोर सत्ताका निम्ति अनिवार्य भएको छ । संवादको प्रस्ताव यही बाध्यताको अभिव्यक्ति हो । कथंकदाचित् संवादको पासोमा दलहरू परे भने जनआन्दोलनको पक्षमा बन्दै गइरहेको अभूतपूर्व वातावरण भताभुङ्ग हुनजाने यसको बुझाई छ ।

संवादको पासो फ्याँक्दै गर्दा निरंकुश सत्ताको नजर यसपटक आन्दोलनरत मोर्चाको मूलशक्ति नेपाली कांग्रेसमाथि परेको छ । एकल जनसभामा तुलनात्मक रूपमा कम सहभागिताको प्रसङ्ग उल्लेख गरेर कांग्रेस भड्काउने गिरीको कुटिल प्रयास, दरबारका दूत रवीन्द्रनाथ शर्माको कांग्रेस सभापति कोइरालालाई उक्साउने अभिव्यक्ति, दरबार-कांग्रेसका साझा मित्रहरूको राजालाई मुसार्ने, कांग्रेस फकाउने नयाँ अभियानले सत्ताको यस्तै आशयलाई प्रस्ट पार्छ । आखिर सत्ताको फुटाउ अभियानको पहिलो छनोटमा कांग्रेस नै किन परेको छ ?

कांग्रेसको गौरवशाली इतिहास, यसको जनाधार, प्रजातान्त्रिक छविको अविछिन्न निरन्तरता, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्बन्ध र परिचयको कारणले गर्दा कांग्रेसको उपस्थिति रहेसम्म दल-माओवादी गठबन्धनले निरन्तर रूपमा राष्ट्रिय/अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय वैधता र समर्थन प्राप्त गर्दै जाने यथार्थलाई यो सत्ताले राम्ररी बुझेको छ । यो गठबन्धनमा कांग्रेस रहेसम्म अन्य कुनै पनि फुटले झीनो मात्रात्मक महत्त्व राखे पनि गुणात्मक अर्थ नराख्ने निश्चित छ । त्यसैले सत्ताको हितरक्षा निम्ति गठबन्धनबाट कांग्रेसलाई अलग बनाउने प्रयत्न सत्ताका निम्ति बाध्यात्मक छनोट हो ।

अर्कोतर्फ कांग्रेस नेतृत्वको एउटा पंक्तिमा सघन रूपमा रहेको कम्युनिष्टविरोधी मनोबनोटलाई 'ग्रेटर रेड एलायन्स' को खतरा देखाएर फुटाउ अभियानमा प्रयोग गर्न सकिने यसको आँकलन छ । कांग्रेस नेतृत्व र नीतिलाई प्रभावित गर्नसक्ने हैसियतमा रहेका नरमपन्थी, सम्झौतावादी, अस्थिर एवं ढुलमुले चरित्रका कांग्रेसकै नेताहरू आफ्नो अभियानमा सहयोगी हुने ठूलो विश्वास पनि छ । वामशक्तिको मात्रात्मक उपस्थिति बढिरहेको गठबन्धन विजय भएपश्चात पनि जनआन्दोलनको उपलब्धिमा कांग्रेसको नियन्त्रण र स्वामित्व कमजोर हुनसक्ने भन्ने पार्टीभित्रको एउटा पंक्तिको मनोविज्ञानले पनि फुटाउ अभियानको प्रारम्भ कांग्रेसबाटै गर्न सत्ता हौसिएको हुनसक्छ । कथित संवैधानिक शक्तिहरूको एकतालाई संकट समाधानको सूत्र मान्ने राष्ट्रिय-अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समूहले पनि यस अभियानमा सक्रिय साथ दिने विश्वासमा पनि सत्ताले संवादको पासो कांग्रेसतर्फ फ्याँकेको सहजै अनुमान गर्न सकिन्छ । यो संगीन घडीमा नेपाली कांग्रेसको आगामी कदम जनआन्दोलन हुँदै समग्र राष्ट्रको भविष्यसँग त जोडिएको छ नै, स्वयम् कांग्रेसको भविष्यसमेत यसकै कदमले निर्धारण गर्नेछ ।

नजरबन्दबाट रिहा भएपश्चात कांग्रेस सभापतिले व्यक्त गर्नुभएको आन्दोलनप्रतिको प्रतिबद्धता प्रशंसनीय त छ नै, यो अठोटले जनआन्दोलन र कांग्रेस दुवैको शुभभविष्यको संकेतसमेत गरेको छ । नेतृत्वको प्रतिबद्धतालाई नीतिगत सुस्पष्टताले बल पुर्‍याउँछ । हाम्रो नीतिगत निर्णय एवं राजनीतिक कार्यदिशा सत्ता राजनीतिको प्रतिक्रिया नभएर, कांग्रेसले निर्वाह गर्नैपर्ने युगिन दायित्व बोधको परिणाम भएको स्थापित गर्न केही मूलभूत विषयहरूमा प्रस्ट हुन भने नितान्त आवश्यक छ ।

आन्दोलनको लक्ष्य सामान्य समस्याहरूको निरूपणमात्र भएको अवस्थामा अलग-अलग विशिष्ट सन्दर्भमा समस्याको विश्लेषण गरेर संवैधानिक संस्थाको परिधिभित्र आन्दोलनको भविष्य खोज्न सकिन्छ । तर लक्ष्य सुधारात्मक परिवर्तन होइन, संरचनात्मक परिवर्तन, समस्या आन्दोलनको निरूपण नभएर संकटको समाधान भएको स्थापित भइसकेको छ । राजनीतिक प्रणालीको परिधिबाहिर निस्केर गरिने राजनीतिक र सामाजिक हस्तक्षेपमार्फत मात्र संरचनात्मक परिवर्तन सम्भव छ । अतः कुनै पनि बहानामा यो सत्तासँग गरिने सम्झौताले राजनीतिक संकट हल गर्न सक्दैन । अब संघर्षको विकल्पको सुविधा यो पुस्तासँग बाँकी छैन । राजनीतिक संकट अहिलेको यथार्थ हो भने जनसंघर्षमार्फत संकटको हल अवश्यम्भावी सत्य । यो अवस्थामा जुन शक्ति संकट समाधानको अंश बन्न सक्दैन, इतिहासको कसीमा यसको मूल्यांकन समस्याको अंशको रूपमा हुनेछ । संवादको मार्ग हिँडेमा कांग्रेस समस्याको अंश बन्नेछ, संघर्ष रोजेमा समाधानको बृहत् अंश औ जनताको नायक बन्नेछ ।

केही अघिसम्म संघर्षका हाम्रा कार्यक्रमहरू कार्यकर्तामा निर्भर, पार्टी नियन्त्रित सरकारविरोधी गतिविधिका रूपमा सीमित थिए । आन्दोलनको विस्तार र विश्राम पार्टीहरूको नियन्त्रणमा थियो । तर निम्नस्तरबाट उच्चस्तरतर्फ जाने आन्दोलनको सार्वभौम नियमअनुरूप यो अवस्थामा आन्दोलन आमजनताको तहमा व्यापक स्वीकृति प्राप्त गर्दै जनताको राजनीतिक चेतनाको महत्त्वपूर्ण अङ्ग बनिसकेको छ । भाषिक, लैङ्गकि, जातीय, क्षेत्रीय एवं सांस्कृतिक र सामाजिक, राजनीतिक र आर्थिक सन्दर्भमा विद्यमान रहेको विशेष अधिकारको स्थितिलाई भङ्ग गर्नेमात्र होइन, भूतको कथित योगदान र जन्मको आधारमा राजसंस्थाले प्राप्त गर्दै आएको विशिष्ट अधिकार ध्वस्त पार्ने तथा राजतन्त्रको छहारीमा मौलाएको उच्च वर्ग एवं कुलिनहरूको सर्वपक्षीय अराजकतालाई अन्त्य गर्ने आकांक्षाहरू आन्दोलनमा समाहित भइसकेको छ । समय लाग्न सक्छ, नायकहरू पनि फेरिन सक्छन्, निश्चित रूपले उतार-चढाव पनि आउनेछ, तर जनताको पूर्ण परिवर्तनको आकांक्षाबाट ऊर्जा प्राप्त गरेको रूपान्तरणको यो महाअभियान कुनै एक शक्ति वा समूहले चाहेर रोक्न अब विलकुल सम्भव छैन । संवादको मार्ग अख्तियार गरेर सदा परिवर्तनको पर्यायवाची बनेको कांग्रेस रूपान्तरणको बाधक बन्न पुगेमा जनआन्दोलन कांग्रेस छोडेर अघि बढ्नेछ । सहमतिको मार्ग आत्मघाती हुनेछ, संघर्षको रोजाइ चुनौतीपूर्ण त होला नै, तर यसैमा मात्र हाम्रो भविष्य छ ।

दक्षिणपन्थी निरंकुशतन्त्रबाट मुक्त हुने प्रयत्न गर्दा कतै उग्रवामपन्थी अधिनायकवादको सिकार बनिने हो कि भन्ने त्रासले हामीलाई कैयनपटक शिथिल बनाएको छ । अधिनायकवादी सत्ताको विरोधमा सहर केन्दि्रत संघर्षलाई चर्काउँदै जाँदा ग्रामीण जनयुद्ध र सहरी जनविद्रोहबीच समायोजन गराउने प्रचण्डपथको योजनाअनुरूप सहरी विद्रोहको भूमिका निर्वाह गरेर माओवादीहरूको एकतन्त्रीय आकांक्षा साकार पार्न हामी प्रयोग पो हुने हौं कि भन्ने भय पनि व्याप्त छ । तर कांग्रेसले बुझ्नुपर्छ, विश्व समाज बदलिसकेको छ, बहुलताको प्रत्याभूतिसहितको लोकतान्त्रिक व्यवस्था अब अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सर्तको विषयमात्र होइन, राष्ट्रिय आकांक्षासमेत बनिसकेको छ । दल-माओवादी गठबन्धन जति मजबुत हुँदै जान्छ, यसले जति राष्ट्रिय/अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय वैधता प्राप्त गर्दै जान्छ, विद्रोहीहरूको हिंसाप्रतिको लगाव घट्दै जाने निश्चित छ । शान्तिपूर्ण जनआन्दोलनको राप र ताप बढ्दै जाँदा माओवादी विद्रोहीहरू लोकतन्त्रप्रतिको औपचारिक प्रतिबद्धतालाई प्रचण्डपथको अभिन्न अङ्ग बनाउन बाध्य हुनैपर्छ । आन्दोलनको आगोमा सबै प्रकारका अधिनायकवादी आकांक्षाहरू एकैपटक जलेर स्वाहा हुनेछन् । प्रचण्डले भनेजस्तो नेविसंघ र अखिल सत्ताको दमनविरुद्ध लड्न माओवादीसँग हतियार माग्न जाने होइन, शान्तिपूर्ण जनआन्दोलन चुलिँदै जाँदा माओवादीहरू हतियार छोडेर हामीसँगै लाममा आउनेछन् । अतः यो निश्चित छ, उग्रवामपन्थी अधिनायकवादको त्रासमा, निरंकुश सत्तासँग संवादमा जाने हो भने अन्ततः अतिवादकै विजय हुनेछ । संघर्षको रोजाइले हिंसा-प्रतिहिंसाको चक्रबाट मुलुकको मुक्ति एवं न्यायपूर्ण शान्ति स्थापनको कृत्यका निम्ति कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादीहरूको निरन्तर रोजाइको पात्र बन्नेछ ।

शान्तिपूर्ण जनआन्दोलनको मार्गबाट प्राप्त हुने संविधानसभामा पुगेरमात्र विश्राम लिने कांग्रेस सभापतिको अठोटलाई अझ बुलन्द बनाउनु कांग्रेसजनको दायित्व बनेको छ । ००७ सालको मुक्ति आन्दोलनको घोषणापत्रमार्फत नेपाली कांग्रेसले जनतासामु गरेको संविधानसभाको वाचा पूरा गर्ने समय आएको छ । तर समयलाई चिन्न नसक्ने हो अनि संघर्षको मार्ग नरोज्ने हो भने कांग्रेस असान्दर्भिक बन्ने निश्चित छ ।

इतिहास साक्षी छ, नेपाली राजसंस्थाको सुध्रने चरित्र नै छैन । यसलाई सुधार्ने र सहमतिमा ल्याउने विगतका हाम्रा प्रयत्नहरू निरर्थक सावित भइसकेका छन् । इतिहास पढ्नेमात्र होइन, यसबाट सिक्न सक्नुपर्छ । इतिहासबाट सिक्ने हो भने, समयको गतिलाई बुझ्ने हो भने नेपाली कांग्रेस नै नेपाली राजनीतिको मूलशक्ति बनिरहनेछ । तर इतिहासबाट नसिक्ने हो अनि समयको गतिलाई नबुझ्ने हो भने एउटा अर्को केशव स्थापित खोजेर हाम्रो कांग्रेस पनि प्रजापरिषद्झैं ठेक्कामा दिनुपर्ने दिन चाँडै नआउला भन्न सकिँदैन ।


अहिंसाका प्रश्न
From The Past Issues Of Janadesh, Maoist Mouthpiece
डा बाबुराम भट्टराईलाई शान्तिको सन्देश
डा बाबुराम भट्टराई: आन्दोलनको उत्कर्ष र त्रस्त सत्ता
मधेशी अधिकारको कुरामा पहाडीहरुको सहभागीता
प्रवासी नेपाली: "नैतिक समर्थन कायम राख्दै भौतिक समर्थन थप्ने।"
भूपि शेरचन, गोपालप्रसाद रिमाल, प्रवर जिसी
मधेशी पहचान
देशव्यापी पम्फलेटिङ
प्रहार गरिहालौं
अइ आन्दोलनमें मधेशी अधिकारके बात
लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र नै किन?
चुनाव बहिष्कार बाहेक विकल्प छैन: सात दल


INTERVIEW WITH GAGAN THAPA

"This movement is a struggle for power between the people and the palace. It will end only after achieving complete democracy or Loktantra." - Gagan Thapa, student leader

A representative of Nepal's conscious young generation and a prominent student leader affiliated to Nepal Students Union, Gagan Thapa has consistently called for a total restructuring of the state and its politics. A strong supporter of republicanism in the country, he has not even spared his own mother party, the Nepali Congress, criticizing it for the lack of intra-party democracy. Thapa recently spoke to Akhilesh Tripathi on a number of issues. Excerpts:

ekantipur: What are you doing these days?
Gagan Thapa: These days I am busy organising, coordinating and participating in the protest demonstrations of the seven political parties against the autocratic royal regime. As the royal government has resorted to cruel repressive measures including baton-charging, torturing and arresting political leaders and activists to curb peaceful public protests, I am trying to avoid arrest so that I can coordinate the protest programmes from my level.

ekantipur: How do you see the student movement in the current political movement to restore democracy?
Thapa: In the beginning, this movement was for the restoration of democracy. But it is my conviction that this movement, due to the students' commitment and clear vision, has taken a qualitative leap forward: now it's a movement for the restoration of Loktantra in the country. It is the students' front, which created the objective ground for this movement to come to this point. And even at this point, the students are simultaneously shouldering two very crucial responsibilities. First, they are in the frontline of the parties' movement. Second, they are working as a pressure group so that the parties cannot deviate from their agenda.

ekantipur: Where is this movement heading? Are the parties clear about the students' as well as their own agendas?
Thapa: Talking about clarity in the movement's agenda, I must say, the parties are much clearer than before. If you talk about the participation in the movement, it is much wider now. However, we need more clarity on certain agendas. For example, though the parties have envisaged a democratic system without the institution of monarchy, there still are some misgivings that the current movement of the parties will end after reaching a compromise with the palace. And this is why the people have not been able to take it as the decisive movement.

ekantipur: Will this movement reach its goal or it will conclude at a compromise with the palace? What do you think?
Thapa: Even if the parties spearheading this movement reach a compromise with the palace, the movement will move forward in a new way, leaving the parties behind. I am not saying this in a fit of emotion. This is the truth and world history is testimony to this truth. The parties will become irrelevant if they do so. In the past, the CPN-UML and the NC-D reached a compromise with the palace and formed a coalition government. But other parties gave continuity to the movement and now even the UML and the NC-D have joined them. Therefore, I am confident that the movement will not end at any compromise with the palace. This movement is a struggle for power between the people and the palace. It will end only after achieving complete democracy or Loktantra. It will not end for petty issues like the postponement of the municipal elections, formation of an all-party government or the restoration of the dissolved parliament. The people should be able to feel the arrival of a complete change in the country when this movement ends. In one sentence, this movement should not be ended for anything less than the announcement for an election to a constituent assembly. This is the bottom-line of the movement.

ekantipur: The Maoists have been demanding constituent assembly elections from the very beginning. Now other parties, too, have made it their agenda. But it is said it was a result of pressure from the Maoists. What do you think?
Thapa: Our party, the Nepali Congress, had clearly expressed its commitment in its manifesto issued during the movement against the Rana oligarchy in 1950, for a legitimate body elected by the people to draft the country's new constitution after the end of the movement. Thus, the Nepali Congress is the first party to talk about constituent assembly elections in the country. In the last 50 years of the country's political history, different parties at different times have made constituent assembly election their demand. Therefore, it must be clear that constituent assembly election is not the agenda of only the Maoists. It is a purely democratic process, which, I think, should be welcomed by all democratic parties.

ekantipur: What is the situation of intra-party democracy in the Nepali Congress?
Thapa: Political parties are social organisations. They cannot keep themselves aloof from the different social changes. We want to establish Loktantra in the country and if the same is sought within the Nepali Congress or any other party then it should be taken positively. The intra-party democracy in the Nepali Congress is in crisis and our campaign is also to strengthen the intra-party democracy.

ekantipur: What do you think of the ad-hoc committee of Nepal Students Union that has been recently formed following the postponement of its Pokhara General Convention?
Thapa: Only the activists of the Nepal Students Union have the right to choose its leadership. It's their sovereign right and no one else's, not even the NSU's mother party has this right. After the postponement of NSU's General Convention in Pokhara, another convention should have been called to elect NSU's leadership. But the party, instead, formed an ad-hoc leadership by violating the party statute. By doing so, the party has snatched away the students' sovereign right to choose their leadership. For the time being we have slightly ignored this issue as we are dealing with a bigger issue- the national movement to establish Loktantra in the country. But we will not abandon our campaign of seeking intra-party democracy.

ekantipur: Many say that the Nepali Congress leadership wants to end your political career. Do you agree?
Thapa: Personally I feel that my accountability is more towards the generation I represent. The generation, feeling and the part of society that I represent are a priority for me. I am committed to them. At the same time I am confident that they put a lot of trust in me. This always keeps me full of energy and enthusiasm. I am an honest cadre of the party and I must observe the party discipline. But in the name of observing party discipline, I cannot obey the orders from the party leadership if they are against my commitment to the generation I represent. This is the problem between myself and the party. It is not possible for a person or two to end the career of a political worker. Because, in the past two-three years, it's not only the people's understanding of the monarchy that has changed; people's understanding of the parties' leaderships, too, has changed.

ekantipur: Some say that the NC leadership gradually started to sideline you after your relation with NC President Girija Prasad Koirala's daughter Sujata Koirala worsened. Is it true? Thapa: I am least concerned about the fact that she is the daughter of NC President Koirala. People have the right not to acknowledge even the person who is born a son to the King. To be respected and acknowledged can be nobody's birthright. At least I cannot do this to anybody just on the basis of the so-called birthright. However, she is an elected central member and therefore a leader of the party. Respecting her on this basis is a different thing altogether. Another thing, for the past 4-5 years I have consistently moved forward with my ideology. Up to a certain point, she, too, agreed with this ideology of mine and it looked from outside as if we were in total agreement. I continued to move along sticking to my ideology but she deviated from it at a certain point. Maybe I am of lower rank in the party hierarchy and she is much above me but I have been consistent in my thinking and ideology.

ekantipur: Some say you are a royalist. Even NC President Koirala once said you and Narhari Acharya are royalists. Why do you think a politician as mature as Koirala said this?
Thapa: The NC president has personally refuted this, saying he never said anything like this. One part of the story ended then and there. However, I am not the first person to be accused with such charges in the party. There have been other instances where the party leadership has, instead of trying to manage those who disagree with it in a legitimate way within the party, has tried to damage their political career by accusing them in some way. Within the past 2-3 years, I have been accused of being a royalist, an American agent, a Maoist sympathiser, and lately an Indian Embassy agent of Prakash Koirala who was recently expelled from the party. I have never really taken these allegations seriously. However, I must prove myself. Just dismissing or refuting these allegations is not enough. I have to really prove everyday and every moment through my actions that I am not a royalist or anything as mentioned in the other allegations. Because, this is a bitter reality of Nepali politics. Who would think that Radha Krishna Mainali who spent decades in Nepal's communist revolution, would one day become a palace devotee? Therefore you cannot blindly trust anybody. One has to prove oneself everyday. And I think I have always proved myself.

ekantipur: You talk about republicanism whereas your own party has not made republicanism its agenda?
Thapa: I still remember the day when I had to furnish clarification to the party for publicly speaking in favour of constituent assembly elections. And when Maoist chairman Prachanda once mentioned my name in one of their programmes then again I had to clarify. I was sacked from my position in the NSU central committee when I raised the issue of republicanism. But now, the same party, through its last General Convention, has deleted all references to monarchy from its statute. And it has also agreed to the demand for constituent assembly elections. See! Our agenda is gradually gaining ground inside the party. Who could have imagined that the Nepali Congress would one day delete all references to monarchy from its statute and make constituent assembly elections one of its slogans? But it did. Therefore, I am confident that one day the party will make the demand for a republican set-up its agenda.

ekantipur: Will everything be alright if there is a republican set-up in the country?
Thapa: Republicanism is not a solution in itself. Monarchy is the root cause of the crisis plaguing the country. Therefore, for the country to come out of this crisis, a complete demolition of monarchy is a must. Only then is a solution possible. In this sense, republicanism is just the starting point. We can achieve Loktantra only through the path of Ganatantra (republicanism).


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1.United States327567.5 % 2.Nepal3006.2 % 3.United Kingdom2134.4 % 4.Canada1232.5 % 5.India1102.3 % 6.Hong Kong S.A.R.952.0 % 7.Sweden821.7 % 8.Switzerland691.4 % 9.Germany611.3 % 10.Japan491.0 %
Unknown841.7 %
The rest3898.0 %
Total4850100.0 %
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