Dialogue Is Give And Take

Nepali Congress Goes The UML Route, Almost
Major Fermentations In The NC And The UML

The king and the political parties talking is like the parties and the Maoists talking. It is not like they don't talk. They do. But they do it in a most inefficient way. The Maoists put out a press statement. And the parties put out a press statement. The parties stage a protest rally. And the king gives a television interview.

Dialogue is going on. Each party to the conflict is sending messages.

There is always the movement option. There is always the revolution option. But the dialogue option has not been exhausted. If you can bring back democracy through dialogue, why will you put the people through the pain of a movement?

Let's have an imaginary dialogue right here.

King: What is the point of having a dialogue for the sake of it? What are you going to do different from what you did during the 1990s? The 1990s were a sham, a democratic circus. Corruption was rampant. There was major political instability. Social justice was not forthcoming. You had six years to solve the Maoist insurgency, but you were not able to. What makes you think you can do it now if given a second chance?

Girija: Reviving parliament will solve all problems.

King: You had a parliament in 1996, and 1997, and 1998, and all the way to 2002. The insurgency only got stronger. Does that not show reviving parliament is not an option?

MaKuNe: But this parliament will be different. It will bring forth an all-party government.

King: But how do you revive the parliament?

Girija: Article 127.

MaKuNe: No. Article 127 is not an option. We won't recognize the parliament if it be revived using Article 127.

(Girija gives MaKuNe a dirty look.)

King: Go back home. Do your homework. See me in two days.

(Two days later.)

MaKuNe: We still disagree. Girija Babu is still for reviving the parliament. Although he is no longer insisting on the use of Article 127 for the purpose.

Girija: What about the Supreme Court?

King: And since when did I start ordering around the Supreme Court?

MaKuNe: I am for going straight for an all-party government. That would be an interim government. We will hold unconditional peace talks with the Maoists. Then we will go for a Constituent Assembly.

King: But how do you suggest we disarm the Maoists? Why did you not form an all-party government after Deuba was sacked the first time? You had the opportunity.

Girija: Because we figured if it was going to be an all-party government formed under Article 127, it will have to do your bidding.

King: But a parliament revived using Article 127 would be okay?

Girija: A parliament is different.

MaKuNe: Girija Babu does not know what he is talking about.

King: Meet me tomorrow. It is time for my siesta.

(The day after.)

King: So how do you form an all-party government?

MaKuNe: Article 127.

Girija: But I thought you had problems with using Article 127 to revive the parliament.

MaKuNe: Who is talking about the parliament? I am talking about an all-party government.

Girija: How can you have a government without a parliament? That would be so like Deuba.

MaKuNe: Kisunji had it.

Girija: Forget Kisunji. And forget you.

Paramendra (over video conference): Less than 6% of the people want the parliament revived.

Girija: Forget the people. And forget you. I don't remember ever giving you a ticket during any elections. Who are you!

King: Say we use Article 127 and call for an all-party government. Then how? Then what?

MaKuNe: Then I form a cabinet. The seven parties will be represented.

Girija: I am the commander of the movement, the brother of BP Koirala, and you are going to be leading the cabinet? Forget you.

MaKuNe: My party is larger than yours.

Girija: You don't know that. That is why we need to revive the parliament. So we can see who is larger. Let the people decide. That is the democratic way.

MaKuNe: So, Your Majesty, we form an all-party government using Article 127.

King: It will be the same players from the 1990s. Just curious, so what are you going to do about the insurgency? About corruption? About democracy inside the parties?

Girija: That is all propaganda.

MaKuNe: We are going to call a meeting of the central committee.

King: And then?

Girija: This dialogue is not going anywhere. I feel the need to go back to the people. I need to fly to Biratnagar.

(Girija walks out in a huff.)

King: So what ideas you got?

MaKuNe: I am open to ideas.

King: You mentioned a Constituent Assembly.

MaKuNe: I sure did.

King: So you are a republican?

MaKuNe: Yes and no.

Paramendra (over video conference): 63% want a constitutional monarchy, and 25% want an executive monarchy. How about guaranteeing a constitutional monarchy before going for a Constituent Assembly?

MaKuNe: Your Majesty, where is this voice coming from?

King: I think it is from the Terai.

MaKuNe: Right, right.

King: What do you think?

MaKuNe: That can work.

King: What about other issues? Corruption for one.

Paramendra (over video conference): Please refer to these two documents: Janata Dal Constitution, Proposed Constitution. Tickets get distributed in a democratic way by the local cadres. All politicians need to file their family property statements on an annual basis. And so on.

MaKuNe: Your Majesty, where is this voice coming from?

(The king ignores the question.)

MaKuNe: I am open to the idea of leading the cabinet. That is the least I can do for the people.

(Two weeks later the king uses Article 127 to form an all-party government with the condition all parties represented in the last parliament will be part of it. That means the Deuba faction of the Congress, the Mandal Sadbhavana, and the two RPP factions also, besides the seven agitating ones.)

MaKuNe: Finally.

Bamdev: Peace?

MaKuNe: Finally I am Prime Minister.

(Bamdev gets sent to Lucknow to hold peace talks with Prachanda.)

Bamdev: Hello.

Prachanda: Lal salam. So when are you disbanding the mercenary army of the fatricidal, regicidal, feudal Gyane Shahi? You want peace, right?

Bamdev: I feel like I am on the way to becoming Commander In Chief. Why would I disband the army?

Prachanda: The new revolutionary army of the peoples, the liberator of the oppressed, vanguard of the proletariat is taking over. Don't waste my time if you came with nothing to offer. Nothing concrete and real. Did Baburam mislead me again? Does he want to go back into protective custody?

Paramendra (over video conference): Prachanda, this is your last chance. It is peace now, or no political future for you ever again.

Prachanda: Who was that? What was that? Why did you call the police? You traitor of the people, of the oppressed!

Bamdev: That's not the police. I don't know the guy. But he makes sense. Wait. Just you wait. I have a UN officer waiting right outside by the window.

(The UN official is called in. Negotiations go on for 12 hours. Finally Prachanda agrees to disband all except 3,000 of his armed cadres who are to be integrated into the state army. Then it is another six hours before Bamdev agrees the state army is to be reduced to a size of 30,000 within five years, and during the downsizing the 3,000 Maoists will not get thrown out. It is agreed Prachanda and Baburam will get inducted into the cabient. The country heads towards elections to a Constituent Assembly.)

Nepali Congress Goes The UML Route, Almost

King's TV Interview

King's Television Interview: Part 1, Part 2. Being "seen and heard!"

Part 1: People want peace and then development. There is a difficult situation throughout the country, but things are harder in the west. Karnali is a special case. Dolpa is particularly remote. I have been stressing road construction. You must have noticed. We must connect all the district headquarters. His Majesty King Prithvi talked of the country as a gardern. It is for the monarchy to water all the flowers. The state has been giving peace a priority. Because that is what the people want more than anything else, more than development. It is also about mental peace. Some elements have been spreading violence. I have heard they are also engaged in extortions and spreading terror. I have heard terror has been directed towards industries. This fraternal disunity benefits others. They should think first of national unity. If they do, some conclusion will be reached. They might have started out politically, but now they have lost their way. They had 41 demands, I once heard. Some of them were good too. The governments of the time did not approach those demands positively. The 21-point program we have launched seeks to address some of those demands. The state can not do all. People's participation is key. In this day and age, it is the people and their representatives who have to come forward. Those who claim to be representatives should really work to represent the people. Any one person or the state can not take care of everything. Now that we are back in the capital, we have to analyze all we heard. I thank the people for coming to see me in large numbers. They braved the summer heat to see me. Flowers in their hands had withered, but they still stood and waited. Some elements tried to disturb this, but the people have already answered them.

Part 2: What I learned from the people is patience. They patiently waited to see their king. We have to hear all voices, be they sweet or not. This is what going to the people means. Some people braved the rain. I am also a human being. When I go into the summer heat, I also sweat. I also braved the heat and the dust. The country is like that. If the people can do it, the king can do it. Wherever the people are, the king will go there. That has been our tradition. Our ancestors did not have blacktop roads and cars and helicopters. But the kings have been to the people even back then. Those who claim the people were pressured to come to see me, they should go and ask those same people. The Nepali people's self-confidence and patriotism has gone up since the royal proclamation. I have warned the civil servants to do their best at providing services. This is not a time to be taking things lightly. We have promised good governance. There will be no compromises. This king will never hesitate to meet the people, wherever, whenever. The monarchy will never stay away from the people's troubles. It is not my job to tell the press people how to do their job. But people whose job it is to serve the people should stay disciplined. Terrorism should not be encouraged. The country is in a difficult situation. Our goal should be for a country that is stable, strong, peaceful and democratic. We need democracy, but it has to be built on strong foundations. Geeta teaches: do your deed, do not worry about the fruits. Today the country has a goal: end terrorism, and introduce a mature democracy. The roads to those goals could be more than one. Difficulties will be faced. But the resolve has to stay. The tussle between the king and the political parties is about they want something now what they can have tomorrow. The people want peace, good governance and control of corruption. The parties need to listen. They are not clear on these things. The bureaucracy was politicized. I am open. For my part, I am always open. I have never said I won't meet with them [leaders of the political parties] but there must be some grounds for dialogue. Once these issues - terrorism, good governance and corruption, politicization in bureaucracy and financial discipline - are addressed clearly to the public, the space for dialogue will be created. If they can get clear on these things, then I will have foundations to hold talks with them. Then I can tell the people that this is what their representatives are saying. King Prithvi was not able to make Prime Minister someone he liked but the people did not. That is our tradition.



Nepali Congress Goes The UML Route, Almost

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