The only full timer out of the 200,000 Nepalis in the US to work for Nepal's democracy and social justice movements in 2005-06.
Thursday, July 28, 2005
Keith Bloomfield
Terrorism – No Double Standards
By Keith Bloomfield
Since the terrible terrorist attacks in London, I have often been challenged to explain alleged British double standards on terrorism in relation to the Maoist insurgency in Nepal. How come we condemn the London terror attacks so strongly yet do not label the Maoists terrorists? How come we are even urging the Nepalese government to negotiate with terrorists?
Condemnation
First I want to make it clear that all terrorist acts without exception are to be condemned in the strongest possible terms. It is always unacceptable that innocent people are killed and maimed in furtherance of a political, religious or ideological agenda. The EU condemned the Chitwan bus attack in the same way as we now condemn the London bus and underground attacks. Those who carry out such acts should be identified, arrested and put behind bars. All terrorist acts are crimes, and particularly serious crimes at that.
The more difficult issue is how to stop terrorist acts happening again. Just asserting that terrorism is terrorism, as if the methods used to combat it are the same wherever it occurs, is to grossly over-simplify the problem. There is a world of difference between an armed insurrection involving thousands of a country’s own citizens in a classic guerrilla warfare environment, with political and socio-economic demands, many of which are shared by the mainstream political parties, and (b) Al Qaeda, which is a worldwide extremist network and involves only a tiny minority of a minority religious group in the UK, with no coherent negotiable demands or formal structure.
In the case of armed insurrections, there is a stark choice: to slog it out militarily at a huge cost in lives, resources, democracy and civil liberties, or to find a political solution through negotiation. Those who reject dialogue, on either side of the conflict, are condemning this country to years, maybe decades, of misery. And let us be quite clear: for hard-liners to reject dialogue in favour of continued violence on the grounds that the Maoists are terrorists, or on the basis that by definition they will never negotiate in good faith, is to do just that.
To a state committed to the restoration of peace and security it is surely self-evident that a political solution to an armed conflict of this type is impossible without talking to those who commit terrorist acts. Yet somehow this does not prevent advocates of a military “solution” from repeating the tired mantra that you cannot talk to terrorists.
It is not an adequate response to this argument to draw superficial comparisons between the Maoists and Al Qaeda. In the UK, we do not face an armed insurrection, which affects the whole country, nor do we face a structured enemy with a coherent set of demands. There are, however, some comparisons which perhaps hold lessons for Nepal:
* In both cases, terrorist violence poses a serious threat to the very fundamentals of our society, and the only effective response must spring from the people. In the UK, the government, the political parties and civil society have joined hands to face up to this threat, and have resisted the temptation to use terrorism as a means to pursue their own narrow agenda. I wish I could say the same for Nepal.
* In both cases, we are confronted with an unacceptable ideology. Prime Minister Blair’s reaction to the London bombings was to call in leaders of Britain’s Muslim community to discuss ways of working together to combat the terrorists on the level of ideas. I see no parallel attempts by the state in Nepal to consult the democratic political forces about ways of working together to confront Maoist ideology.
* Both cases underline the need for international co-operation against terrorism. Britain recognised that it needed the support of its international partners to deal with the problem. Nepal has steadfastly maintained that it can solve its own problems without “interference” from outside, and is pursuing policies which are not only misguided but which are alienating the international community.
Solution
Is it not time to face the facts? There is no military “solution” in Nepal. Maoism is an outdated and discredited ideology but one which cannot be defeated with guns and bullets, only with ideas and dialogue. Democracy, human rights and the rule of law are part of the solution to the conflict not part of the problem. You cannot reintegrate the Maoists into the democratic mainstream without ensuring that the democratic mainstream is strong and vigorous. Nepal needs all the help it can get from its foreign friends, but must first help itself by pursuing policies which have been tried and tested elsewhere and which can actually restore peace rather than exacerbate the conflict.
(H.E. Keith Bloomfield is British Ambassador to Nepal and former head of the Counter-Terrorism Policy in the British Foreign Office. The article reflects the personal views of the author.)
Source: The Rising Nepal
To: Koirala, Nepal, KC, Pokharel, Tripathy, Mahto And The Rest
To: Girija Koirala, Madhav Nepal, Arjun Narsingh KC, Bimalendra Nidhi, Lilamani Pokharel, Hridayesh Tripathy, Rajendra Mahto And The Rest Of The Democratic Leadership.
From: Paramendra Bhagat, New York City.
Subject: Proposed Constitution
My high school classmate and friend, the Kathmandu based radio journalist Madhu Acharya today sent me the email addresses of Madhav Nepal, Arjun Narsingh KC, and Lilamani Pokharel. That has opened a new door in my efforts to meaningfully participate in the peace process in Nepal. In this era of globalization and the internet, we Nepalis living abroad do not feel that far from the ground. We get news in real time on our computer screens, for one.
I have followed closely the developments since 2/1. And I am very glad for the seven party agenda that culminates with a Constituent Assembly. I would like to further add it is high time the democrats seized the initiative from both the Maoists and the Monarchists.
The road to a possible Constituent Assembly is not an easy one, but even once we get there, it is not going to be easy. Our many political differences on several sensitive issues will come to the fore, and there will be a lot of work that will need to be done in the form of relentless, tiring dialogue. The South African experience can be our role model, but our experience will be our own, with local peculiarities.
I think the very road to such an Assembly can be eased if the seven parties and the Maoists were to start working on a possible successor constitution to the 1990 document right away. I suggest an eight-member permanent committee involving the top names in the eight parties be formed for this purpose. And I suggest that committee meet on a regular basis and take this Proposed Constitution as a starting point. This document is not set in stone. Changes are possible. But there would be no secret talks. All differences will have to be aired publicly in the spirit of transparent democracy.
The goal would be to make a list of all the items from this Proposed Constitution that the eight parties can agree on. And if there are items on which consensus may not be reached, they are to be set aside to be decided through a Constituent Assembly.
I feel this constitution, if adopted, will put Nepal on the very cutting edge and will make double digit economic growth rates possible. This document also takes into account some of the criticisms that have been levelled upon the democratic parties for their performance in the 1990s. This document answers to the worst fears of both the extremes, the Maoists and the Monarchists, and brings both into the political mainstream. It also responds to the DaMaJaMa concerns.
This Proposed Constitution might be the quickest way to peace, democracy and progress.
And so I request you to take a look at it, and treat it as a starting point for meaningful dialogue among all three factions as a solution to the ongoing civil war, and political and military paralysis. Time is of essence. Achieving peace and democracy in two years or in six months are not one and the same. A sense of urgency has to be felt, especially by the democrats. Ultimately the fate of democracy in Nepal depends more on the democrats' willingness to do homework, and less on what the Maoists and the Monarchists might or might not do.
I hope you will take the initiative.
Thank you and all the best.
Let me know if I can be of any assistance.
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