Tuesday, September 13, 2005

Video Blogging The Movement


I just saw this video clip at the Samudaya website: NSU 10th Convention, August 15-17 . This is just so amazing. I hope some of us are also going to video record the September 16 rally here in New York City. I hope many more events in Nepal get video blogged, especially street demonstrations.

Video blogging takes the movement to a whole different level. Events are not local anymore. You choreograph the event, you record it on video, and you put it online: people who were not there in person feel very much like they participated.

The world has to experience the movement for the movement to make maximal impact.

I mean, I am not particularly proud of the violence shown in the video clip. This is supposed to be a non-violent movement. Coming out into the streets for democracy is important. But it is also important to stay non-violent. Why? Because that is what is more effective.

Digital photos help greatly. But video blogging takes it to a whole different level.

Much Polarization

The king has tried the democrats' patience too much. And he not only has no remorse, he keeps on keeping on. There was a time when the king could have gone for a Constituent Assembly with the NC and the UML campaigning for a constitutional monarchy. That time is passe.

My efforts at peace went nowhere at the New Yorker hotel. The various factions are unyielding. And the king has to take the major blame since he is the one who can take initiatives for reconciliation but is not.

The movement is going to snowball over the next few months. And if it does, as it will, the Maoists will happily extend their ceasefire, if that is what it will take.

Unilateral Ceasefire

Such a brilliant move on the part of the Maoists. They need to pat themselves on their backs until they might ache. Brilliant politically and militarily.

Endgame

So if there is this major surge for a Democratic Republic, what will the end look like?

The king seems to think if the movement really gathers storm, he can always invite the party leaders for talks and then play mindgames with them. I think he is fooling himself. He does not have that option. Too much water has flown down the Bagmati since the last time he tried that and succeeded.

The Supreme Court could always revive the House. Then the king's regime comes crashing down. That is my preferred way. First knock off the RCCC. Then revive the House.

If that not be coming, the movement shows signs of turning into a full-fledged revolution, because the king has not shown one sign of yielding. He is marching to his own solitary tune. He could shun the world - a big if - but what about the domestic audience?
  1. He is reduced to being a citizen and a businessman.
  2. He loses all his property. Then do what?
  3. He has to leave the country. Go where?
  4. Worst case scenario.
What about the king? How could he turn up the heat? Does he have the option to impose martial law? He could always do the foolish thing, but if he goes that route, he might create a certain violent end for himself. Why would he want to do that?

The police and the army are not on his personal payroll. The king himself is on the Nepali people's payroll. There will come a point in the movement when the police and the army will desert the king. And then where does he go from there?

The other day I was in Jackson Heights. And there are all these diaspora Nepalis with personal contacts inside the army, and these are many senior officers, and the clear message from the officers is, you shoud not think of us as the king's men, don't count us out. The rumor mills are churning.

Journalists making small talk with some police officers facing the demonstrations reveal of at least some conversations where the officers are hoping the general masses will show up in large numbers and so there can be a quicker resolution.

I keep thinking, why is this guy so intent on limiting his options? What is he thinking? What is he trying to gain that he is so intent on losing all he has? Maybe he does not know any other way. Like the Robert De Niro character in the movie Heat.
at 3 comments:

Face To Face With Prachanda


Face to face, with Maoist leader Prachanda
Times of India, India

It was a small room deep inside a desolate village surrounded by forests accessible only after a 10-km trek. Inside, on a simple cot, which occupied half the room, sat one of South Asia’s most wanted men — unarmed and unguarded.

Prachanda — or the fierce one — is a quiet person with twinkling eyes. The ferocity lies in his ideas and his rebellious instincts. The soft-spoken veneer hides a ruthless commander who has the loyalty of 10,000 battle hardened guerrillas.

In an exclusive interview, his first ever face-to-face meet with any media organisation, chairman Pushpakamal Dahal, aka Prachanda, of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) spelt out his party’s strategy and the impact of the ‘people’s war’ that it launched in 1996. Prachanda said his party would confine its ‘‘people’s war’’ to the kingdom. He added, ‘‘We have only ideological ties with Indian Maoists. We have no plans to launch any joint armed struggle. We do not consider people’s war as a commodity for export or import. But we will certainly spread our experiences across the globe.’’

The 51-year-old guerrilla is one of the world’s most wanted men. While India and Nepal have outlawed his party, the US has put it on the list of terrorist groups under watch. Besides, there is an Interpol red-corner notice against him.

In 2001, Kathmandu announced a cash reward of Nepalese Rs 50 lakh (over Rs 30 lakh in Indian currency) for his capture. Prachanda admitted that he had met Communist Party of India (Maoist) chief Ganapathy recently. The last time they met each other was in 1997, a year after the Maoist insurgency began in Nepal. He denied the existence of any‘‘compact revolutionary zone’’ formed by Indian and Nepalese Maoists across the two countries. ‘‘This was created by the media of the Indian government,’’ he said.

Prachanda said his party would have captured Kathmandu by now if countries like the US, India and the UK had not extended military support to Nepal’s ‘‘tottering’’ feudal rulers. He said India, as a champion of democrcay, should not arm the royal army.

‘Won’t start talks with Nepal King’

 In February 2006, you’ll be observing the 10th anniversary of people’s war. How close are you to your goal?

Prachanda: We’ve broken the backbone of feudalism that has thrived in Nepal for 250 years. We have freed the countryside...We have weakened feudalism in rural areas. Nepal would have become a democratic republic by now if big countries like the US, India and the UK had not extended military support to its tottering feudal rulers.

In a way, we’re now fighting against international imperialism, especially US imperialism... American commanders and generals are arming and training the Royal Army. India has also lent it big support.

Though your party believes in armed struggle, why do you now want to resolve the crisis in Nepal through talks?

A: Ours is not a dogmatic party. We chalk out our action plan after analysing a subject in the context of the prevailing situation.

When did you first feel the need for a negotiated settlement?

A: We felt so after the 2001 royal massacre when developments in Nepal started getting internationalised. The killings were part of a deep conspiracy. At that time, feudal elements were looking for an opportunity... they were unhappy with the advent of multi-party democracy in 1990 and the fast-rising people’s war. American think-tanks were also increasingly concerned about us. The massacre was carried out in this backdrop. Whatever clarifications the palace gave later were concocted stories.

Wasn’t the massacre sudden?

A: No. King Birendra was a comparatively liberal person. Here, we must remember that he did not support the killing of his people. In 1980, he agreed to hold a referendum on the system of governance when a pro-reform agitation gained momentum. In 1990, he restored the multi-party system after a stir.

Have you planned any road map for peace?

A: We want formation of a constituent assembly that will allow the people to draw their future and destiny themselves. Second, an interim goverment of all parties and civil societies. Third, formation of a democratic republic. We want the involvement of the United Nations to create an atmosphere of confidence so that possession of weapons by us does not become a stumbling block in the peace process. As proof of this, we have already declared a unilateral ceasefire now.

How do you look at the growing Indian support to the demand for turning Nepal into a republic?

 It’s the Indian intelligentia that is basically supporting this issue. There has not been any big change in the attitude of the Indian ruling class. It is against the autocratric monarchy but not against the system of monarchy.

What kind of approach will you like India to take?

India should not help the King’s army. It should extend moral and political support to the democratic stir in Nepal. We want fresh treaties between Nepal and India on natural resources and other important issues on the basis of equality. We are now interacting with pro-democracy mainstream parties. If India believes in democrcay, it should free our leaders detained in various prisons.

Is there any possiblity of India having a role like the one it had during the 1950 crisis (over the Rana oligarchy)?

A: We consider the 1950 agreement (between the palace, the Ranas and the Nepali Congress) wrong because it pereptuated the monarchy. Moreover, we are against foreign intervention.

You’ve aligned with Indian Maoists. Does it not amount to opening a new front?

A: We have only idelogical ties with Indian Maoists. We have no plans to lead a joint armed struggle against India. We do not consider people’s war as a commodity of export and import. There is no need for India to get provoked by us. The talk of our forming a compact revolutionary zone across the two countries is a creation of the media of the Indian government. We do not have anything like this.

If it is so, why did you have to dig trenches along the international border last year ?

A: Just as India fears us, we also have fears about whether it will finally act as an agent of feudal rulers. We prepared the trenches purely for self-defence after India began arming and training the Royal Army in places like Hyderabad.

Is there any possibility of a dialogue between your party and the king?

A: We can have it only on one condition —that is he should announce that he will return the people’s power to the people.

In The News
  • King must transfer power to the people for talks: Prachanda Prachanda has said his party would hold dialogue with King Gyanendra if the king returns people’s power back...... in the 90-minute interview given recently to TOI’s Keshav Pradhan at a ‘desolate’, undisclosed location. “That is he should announce that he will return the people’s power to the people.” ...... Appearing very simple and calm in the quiet rendezvous, Prachanda said his party felt the need for a negotiated settlement after the 2001 palace massacre and added, “Ours is not a dogmatic party. We chalk out our action plan after analyzing a subject in the context of the prevailing situation.” ...... “We want the involvement of the United Nations to create an atmosphere of confidence so that possession of weapons by us does not become a stumbling block in the peace process” ...... “We consider the 1950 agreement [between the palace, the Ranas and the Nepali Congress] wrong because it perpetuated the monarchy. Moreover, we are against foreign intervention.” ...... We want fresh treaties between Nepal and India on natural resources and other important issues on the basis of equality. We are now interacting with pro-democracy mainstream parties. If India believes in democracy, it should free our leaders detained in various prisons........ Prachanda also claimed that the rebels have “broken the backbone of feudalism that has thrived in Nepal for 250 years. We have freed the countryside...We have weakened feudalism in rural areas.”......“In a way, we’re now fighting against international imperialism, especially US imperialism... American commanders and generals are arming and training the Royal Army. India has also lent it big support.” ....... was wearing a cream-colored, half-sleeved shirt, blue trousers and leather sandals, in a small room deep inside a desolate village ...... Of his ‘simplicity’, Prachanda – standing 5-1/2 tall, bespectacled and unclear with or without his beard – has said, “It’s my simple lifestyle that helps me evade the security forces.” And, he says, he’s been trekking miles. “I do not like to stay at once place. Nor will I ever remain holed up in a cave like Saddam Hussein.”
  • A walk on the dark side with Prachanda Times of India, India
  • Prachanda calls for ceasefire monitoring Kathmandu Post, Nepal
  • The Prachanda Path Towards Urban Insurrection Dissident Voice, CA
  • I haven’t met Indian leaders: Prachanda Nepalnews.com, Nepal
  • Leader Prachanda says aim is to create a "positive environment" ... OhmyNews International, South Korea
  • Prachanda Announces Ceasefire for 3 Months Himalayan Times, Nepal
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Sharad Chandra Shaha Is A Dazzling Person




12 Photos.

I went to bed late, around three in the morning. And I set up my cellphone alarm to go off around 10. But I was woken up by a call from The New Yorker Hotel at 8:30. Bharat Mohanji wanted to confirm about our plans for sightseeing for the day.

I got to the hotel by 11. In the elevator I saw an African man. He had a batch that said Cameroon.

"Are you here for the UN thing?"

"No. I have something else happening right here at this hotel."

Stalin sent people after Trotsky when Trotsky was in Mexico. Perhaps the man was being careful, or perhaps plain truthful.

I called Bharat Mohanji. The machine said "the guest has already checked out." I called up Sudeep in Minnesota to tell him my whereabouts. I guess he had to check out by noon, and one of his relatives was going to pick him up to take to his place.

I called Sharad Chandra Shaha. The call went through. He greeted me in a friendly manner. I told him I was already at the hotel. He invited me over to his hotel room.

He looked different than his file photos used by the various magazines. He was shorter than I had expected, but then someone said that once of Sigmund Freud. Intelligent, expressive people have faces like that.

He was very geneous with his time. He cancelled an appointment he had to be with me longer. And he came down to see me off in the hotel lobby. I greatly appreciated his kindness.

What is he like? He is a dazzling person. He is exceptionally smart, well informed, analytical. If I had to describe him in one word, I would say he is chaloopurja. I was intently listening to him the entire time. His expansive analysis touched various aspects of national politics, but also US and global politics. I was mighty impressed with some of the things he had to say.

This is an able person.

On the way down in the elevator he remarked he had attended the University Of Pittsburgh in 1972. I was pleasantly surprised. I did not know that about him. I have not read that about him in any Nepali magazine. He said he had been to the US numerous times.

He invited me to come meet him the next time I was in Kathmandu. I readily accepted the invitation. And happily so. Shaha is a very interesting person, someone you want to spend time with, shoot the breeze with. I would have wanted to spend more time with him today itself, but I did not want him to cancel any more of his programs. He had a packed schedule of events. Like a diligent student, he was going to attend all or most of the seminars he was scheduled to attend. That attitude scores points.

I was honest with him in what I had to say. I told him I was part of the September 16 protest rally. But then I also told him I had planned on meeting the king if he had come, which was not a popular position among my democrat friends. I told him my goal is peace through dialogue, and that I was very thankful to him for his time.

He said he was not in the king's inner circle of advisors, although he has known the king a long time. He heard about 2/1 on the radio. Even now, he is focued on his information technology commission. He is not in the same league as Sachit Samsher Rana and Bharat Keshar Singh. They have the king's ears.

But the impression I have had for the longest time is the king is his own advisor.

Shaha and I agreed on many things.
  1. It was not the king who dissolved the parliament in 2002.
  2. There is nothing in the constitution that would allow the king to revive the parliament. To that I added the UML does not want the parliament revived with the use of Article 127 in the first place.
He really helped me get into the king's mind, step by step. Why he took step 1, then step 2, and so on. Shaha was frank about 2/1. As to whether or not that was the right thing to do, I don't know. That is an open question, he said.

Shaha started out by saying the king and the monarchists are for a Constituent Assembly. When I pressed him on that point, he backtracked a little. I said, so you are saying the king is for a constituent assembly, the only disagreement is as to who will conduct it, under what circumstances, right? We both agreed the country can not go for a Constituent Assembly with the Maoists still having a standing army.

But then he navigated towards the other end of the Monarchist spectrum. He said it is not that obvious the people want a Constituent Assembly. We can not only listen to the few who venture out into the streets, we also have to listen to the many who stay home. And the king has many advisors who do not want a Constituent Assembly at all: the king has to listen to them also. There are some who think the monarchy will come to an end should the country be taken through such an Assembly. What is an Assembly anyways but a fancy name for a parliament?

I am not surprised. He gave me a full view of the monarchist thinking on the Constituent Assembly question. But he also gave me glimpses that the king can possibly come around to the idea of a Constituent Assembly. I told him the monarchy will be retained through a Constituent Assembly, but such an Assembly will disarm the Maoists.

He gave me his contact information, including his mobile number in Kathmandu. I might need that down the line.

He also gave more credit to India than might be due. Delhi is a regional power center, like the king is in Nepal. The king is at the center of many conspiracy theories in Nepal, India is at the center of many in South Asia.

Do I buy that India is funding the Maoists to use them against Nepal? No way. India is after Ganapathy too. They can't find Ganapathy.

Prachanda, Baburam, Mahara, they all are in Delhi. That was Shaha's firm conviction.

"If Prachanda was anywhere in Nepal, don't you think we would have caught him by now?"

But he was also subtle about the India angle. It is possible the intelligence people and the foreign ministry people are going their own separate ways, he said.

The king is for constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy. He reiterated that. Is the king double-talking? As in, pay lip service to democracy, but lay grounds for an absolute monarchy?

Only a few days earlier there were rumors about martial law. I don't think the king is thinking martial law. He is thinking municipal polls. Shaha and I talked about the polls also. If the seven party movement can not catch the imagination of the masses, and if the king can ensure the safety of the voters, and if there are UN observers, and the voting percentage for the polls is something like 60%, then is that a democratic enough exercise? That is an important question to the democrats who refuse to do basic political homework.

In short, Sharad Chandra Shaha is an impressive person who really helped me look into the monarchist mindset. I came out with a firm belief it is possible to do business with the king and his men. If the Maoists deserve our benefit of doubt, so do the king and his men. Besides, how many better options do we have?

An aversion to dialogue I find bewildering. Dialogue is how peace is made. Dialogue is the way to do political work.

I think we should work to bring the king and his men around to the idea of a Constituent Assembly. That is the way out. How do you do that?

Step 1 is a willingness for dialogue. Why am I having to state such an obvious thing?

On the other hand, if the Supreme Court were to revive the house, that automatically brings the ball back to the democratic court. Then things flow smooth from there on.

Shaha also briefly touched upon how the RCCC does not seem to be faring well at the Supreme Court. He was surprisingly objective about it.

Then I briefly met up with Chand in the lobby. I handed him the document. We agreed to meet again some other time.

I also handed a hard copy to Shaha. He said he will look at it at the earliest, which will probably be in the plane on his way back to Kathmandu, and that he will email me his feedback.

There was this little incident as we left his hotel room. The maid had come for the daily cleanup. She asked Shaha to move something on the table from one end to another. It was a white, black, foreigner moment. In America both Sharad Chandra Shaha and Paramendra Bhagat are Madhesi. Nelson Mandela talks of "a thousand little indignities."

"She would have done it herself if I were not there!" Shaha said indignantly.

Some people ask me why I don't go back to Nepal. There is work to do here too. That's why.

6:38 PM Addendum

I just got Bharat Mohanji's new phone number. He is now in Jackson Heights at a relative's place. The document got left in the hotel room by mistake. He has requested I bring another copy when I go see him tomorrow morning. He said he might have more time for it when he is in Minnesota for a few weeks. But that we might talk about it for a half hour tomorrow itself.

In The News
at 4 comments:

Mahabharat Or Soap Opera


Wish Me Luck

I have received quite a few emails in response to this post.

"Good luck. Those will be some adventurous meetings. I would be curious to learn of your discussions."

"....it's a good idea to converse with these people. lets see how they respond to ur proposed constitution. hope u'll post it on ur blog, and then we can read it."

"This is simply great. Good luck to you."

"I can go with you if you like. I can be there for support or whatever."

"Nice to know that you have some time these days to interact with them. Frankly speaking - you're the most transparent, uptodate individual - with this rate - you'll be able to represent us in the near future. I fully support you, you don't need good luck - they all need. Don't under-estimate the support you're going to get- if you don't deviate from your dignity. Don't stoop but give the people who need due respect. Teach them what you see with your un-biased mindset, un-disturbed eye-sight. Some tips: 1. Take some of your buddies with you. 2. Please record every details what they speak-out and vibes 3. These are all of our pieces in the game that we are going to win. Good luck in winning - it's the matter of time."

"Good luck."

"My Best Luck is and always will be with you!! "

So I feel the need to make a blog entry about my first not so auspicious foray into the matter.

They all are here for some conference, and today was the big day, 8 AM to 8 PM. I got to the hotel early around 9 PM. I called from the lobby every now and then but, for the next two hours and a half, I got to see much of that part of the city. I walked around while waiting.

Finally I got through to Bharat Mohanji. I gave him a hard copy of the document. He was on the committee that drafted the 1990 constitution. But then he is already a democrat. The big prize would be face time with Shaha.

Adhikari told me he will give me his feedback within a day. I told him there was no hurry. Besides, I am taking him around town anyways.

I also intend to get a bunch of UML phone numbers from Adhikari.

I got Chand's number.

I called him up from the lobby.

"Namaste Mr. Prime Minister. My name is Paramendra Bhagat. I am a Nepali in New york. By the way, I know your son Binod Chand. I was wondering if I could please see you for about 10 minutes."

"Now?"

"Yes. I am inside your hotel." I was one floor above his.

"I was about to go to bed."

"That is fine. I know you had a long day. I look forward to seeing you in the morning then."

From the lobby I tried to get through to Sharad Chandra Shaha. The first two times the machine told me "the guest was on the phone." The next two times the phone was not picked. It was close to 11:30 PM.

I had left two voice mails for Shaha, one early in the day, and another when I first got to the hotel. He was supposedly inquiring about me during the day. I hope he is not avoiding me. I am just looking for some informal chit chat. I totally understand he has a boss who is above the law. I just intend to seek some basic feedback, I understand I might not be able to do serious business with him.

Or maybe we can exchange phone numbers. For when he is in Kathmandu.

To be honest with you, I started out from my residence thinking there is this major Mahabharat style political battle in the offing, the two armies are at the ready, and I am on this peace mission. The Mahabharat might still happen, but at least I will have participated in some dramatic peace efforts.

The actual experience of waiting for them to get back to the hotel after a long day, and then trying to get through to them on the phone it felt more like I was part of some unfolding soap opera.

I should probably keep my hopes low. Not much might come out of the effort. But I should give it a shot nevertheless.

It is like you go out into space in your space ship, and there are all these asteroids you see. They are very much alive. But they are going to move at their own tempo. You and your space ship do not matter a whole lot to them. It is a colony of asteroids.

In The News
at No comments:

Monday, September 12, 2005

Wish Me Luck


Bharat Mohan Adhikari, Taranath Rana Bhat, Lokendra Bahadur Chand, and Sharad Chandra Shaha are all staying at the same hotel: The New Yorker by the Penn Station. To me that is a total godsend.

I am going to try and meet all of them, singly, and in groups. The idea would be to hammer them into this: Proposed Constitution.

Bharat Mohanji is a leading UML person. He could potentially be the interim prime minister.

Taranath Rana Bhat is not exactly in good favor within the inner circles of the Koirala Congress, but he is a Congressia nevertheless. What's more, he is still Speaker.

Lokendra Bahadur Chand is a statesman. He helped bring democracy in 1990. Maybe he will help again.

Sharad Chandra Shaha has the king's ears: that's for sure. A week or so back I was frantically searching for Paras' email address, phone number, anything. I was trying to know if he will come to the city with his father. I failed. None of my classmates seem to have it. But it might be much better to talk to Sharad Chandra Shaha. That would be more professional.

This is what I will tell him: "Sharadji, I am not a politician. I came to New York City over three months back to cultivate my business ideas. But it has been all Nepal all the time for me. Rescue me. Let's bring peace and democracy into Nepal so I can go back to working on my business ideas. And hopefully I will make money. And you will likely be living the life of a private citizen. A few years down the line I would want to engage in some kind of a partnership with you. You are a person of proven people and management skills. And both of us seem to have a thing for information technology. And I do not mean this as a favor to you. Given the right policy framework for foreign direct investment in Nepal, the rate of return in a young economy like Nepal tends to be much higher than in a more mature economy like the US. Let's make each other money down the line. But for now, let's bring peace and democracy into the country. I think we could bring it as a Dashain gift to the Nepali people."

I just printed out a hard copy of the document on my Estonian roomie's printer. No, I don't own one. I am a paperless office, online person. I am so online, I don't even have Excel on my computer.

I am going to make half a dozen copies. And then I am going to meet the hoteliers.

The guidelines are simple:
  1. Go through the document and make three columns.
  2. All the items you agree with.
  3. All the items you disagre with.
  4. All the items you would like to add, subtract, modify.
This is practically like giving each person a blank page to write down their wish list. My document is just a framework.

Wish me luck. This is important work. Peace making always is.

And the leaders in Kathmandu are only a phone call away. Himtel might end up making some good money.

Even if they go to Kathmandu with a near finished document, that will still be something.
at No comments:

Could The King Impose Another Emergency?


Short answer: No.

There were rumors yesterday to the effect he is waiting for the UN jamboree to get over, and then he is going to ban the political parties, arrest a few hundred leaders, and totally clamp down.

Yo hallai halla ko desh ho.

First, the timing will make no sense. In this day and age of global communication, it does not really matter that the heads of state are no longer convening in New York, that they have already gone home. 10 days from now is not a better time. And the global reaction now is going to be much more fierce than it was after 2/1. The Maoists have declared a ceasefire. You respond to that by declaring an emergency? Would make no sense.

Second, for the king to go that route would be akin to inviting a political depression for himself. He ends up in a bigger ditch. The global reaction after 2/1 will look like a picnic should he impose another emergency. On ther other hand, what he is sticking to is his three year mantra. That he has shown no signs of abandoning. Rumors of an impending emergency are not news, his obstinacy is.

What is hurting the democrats is an utter refusal to do political homework. Leaders find it easier to show up at public functions and wax eloquent than to actually hold political dialogue, to work towards a platform that might ignite the people's imagination and to downright organize.

The king does not have to impose an emergency. He just has to keep refusing to give in. That is and will be bad enough. And that is his obvious gameplan. It is called inertia.

So, no, it is not a possible emergency. It is municipal polls.

Sharad Chandra Shaha

I just called him up at his hotel and left a voice mail. It would not hurt to meet and talk. Though I am not sure how much leeway he has, with the king totally focusing on his three year mantra and the municipal polls. But I would still be interested in meeting Shaha, just to get a feel for the guy. And to open up a channel of communication. Or maybe he is not interested. Paramendra who?

Charlie Szrom

I got an email from Charlie. The thing about this possibility is not the amount of money that might get raised. It is more that it will get raised all over the country. And these students who donate will be in a position to call up their Senators and other elected representatives, should the occasion arise.

Prachanda Baburam Two Line Struggle

Baburam is not about to get arrested again, but I read Prachanda's interview yesterday and the impression I got was there is a two line struggle going on between them. For Baburam Prakash Karat is a hero. For Prachanda that might not be the case. One most important reason to engage the Maoists in peace talks might be to wedge into that rift. I think Prachanda feels intellectually inferior to Baburam, but Prachanda has better organizational skills. So he keeps putting out position papers to present himself as an ideological rival to Baburam. Otherwise some of the things Prachanda says in the interview make little sense.

"The democratic republic, which we are saying, is the transitional republic that can address the problems related to class, nationality, region and sex in today’s Nepal. Transitional means, it is a republic in between new democratic republic and parliamentary republic with Nepalese specificity."

What is this supposed to mean? That is why it is important for the seven parties to engage the Maoists in talking about what the next constitution might look like.

The King's Visits

Obviously he is no longer just a mayor of Kathmandu. The guy apparently has been doing his homework. His visits to various parts of the country send a message.

On the other hand, when he visits, he is mostly surrounded by his sycophants. How much reality does he get to see?

But still, just being able to go to some of the districts that have been considered Maoist fortresses gets him scoring a few points.

The Masses

So far the masses have not showed up in large numbers for the protests. I think it is for the lack of a forward looking political program. But the momentum is there. The resources are few. It will take some time.

Monarchists And Indophobia

Prachanda declares a ceasefire and the first reaction of the Monarchists is to spread false rumors about Prachanda being an Indian stooge. That right there might be my number one gripe with the Monarchists.

Dictator Mahendra banned Hindi. He tried his best to dilute the Madhesi population in the Terai.

Maoist Military Strength: Diminished?

Let's for a moment believe the monarchist propaganda. If it is true, that is good news. There is more room to forge a political alliance with the Maoists.

Do I believe they are less strong now? I don't know. The RNA is a traditional army. The PLA is a guerrilla army. The PLA fights a war of asymmetry. The RNA yardsticks might not be accurate.

Municipal Polls

If the king can make it safe for the people to vote, and the muncipal polls are announced, that would really put the parties in a bind.

On the other hand, that step would also be like inviting the Maoists to do something "spectacular" to disrupt the polls. What a disaster that would be.

Third option: the Maoists and the Democrats make the best use of the three months, and forge an Alliance Of Steel. That could pre-empt the polls.
In The News
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Interview With Comrade Prachanda

Published in www.krishnasenonline.org, September 08,2005.

Interview With Comrade Prachanda

Comrade Chairman, why did you declare unilateral cease-fire all of a sudden?

To create environment in both the national and international level for a forward-looking political way out, to inspire the seven political parties to come in cooperation by clarifying their immediate slogan, to reinforce the movement of civil society, to increase political intervention upon the old state and to consolidate party’s relation with the broad masses by honouring their sentiment and aspiration etc. are the main motivating reasons behind the declaration of cease-fire.

The royal state has its own military. How will the ceasefire declared without its agreement succeed?

In our opinion, the development of the events of 3/4 days has justified the correctness of political intervention against the old state, the purpose with which the ceasefire was declared. It is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the important aspect of the psychological war against the royal army underlies in this ceasefire. To prove that the royal army is not in support of peace and way out from a new height is not less significant.

Royal state is speaking the language of repression. Does not this ceasefire become counter-productive in the situation when the parliamentarian seven political parties have not been able to come unitedly with a concrete program?

In my opinion, no question of it being counter-productive arises for its correctness lies in exposing worldwide the fascist character of the royal state and inspiring to change the vacillating and unclear character of parliamentarian seven political parties. Concretely speaking, the ceasefire has already played that role within 3/4 days.

Now, some rumour is spreading out that the ceasefire can be a respite for the royal state in the situation when the party is now acquiring military successes!

The political intervention that has been made by stepping at the footing of military success has never become a respite to the old state. None, who has seriously observed and understood the historical reality that the key of the development of Nepalese people’s war lies with the appropriate coordination of political and military intervention, can have such kind of talk. It is also necessary here to pay attention to the strategy of active defence, offend when attacked, of People’s Liberation Army.

What would you do if the royal government also by declaring ceasefire calls on you for a dialogue? Is it that you won’t have a dialogue in any case with the government?

Right now, we are not seeing any possibility and justification of dialogue with the royal government. If it makes such declaration and put forward clearly that it is ready to provide opportunity for the people to decide their fate then there can be dialogue in agreement of political parties and civil society. We are never absolute to talk with the aim of providing total right to the people.

There was an outside propaganda that an especial agenda on Nepal would be tabled in the general assembly of the United Nations and Gyanendra would participate in that. Is not this ceasefire declared aiming at influencing the forthcoming convention of the United Nations?

Definitely, there lies an objective of clarifying doubts remaining within different sections in the world on our party politics and exposing the old feudal power. But, it was not declared with the prime objective of influencing the forthcoming convention of the United Nations.

You have said in your statement that all from the UNO to the main neighbour and entire international community are showing concern on the present situation in Nepal from their own angle and are presenting their own kind of solution to the problem. Would you please clarify it further?

I think, the international concern, move and anxiety that is being shown on the present Nepalese civil war is known to and endured by all. Also it is not hidden that some of the power-centres are working with the strategy of isolating our movement by creating an alliance between king and the parliamentarian parties, some of them are working with the strategy of making the king agree with constitutional monarchy by creating a pressure of cooperation to a certain limit between our party and the parliamentarian parties, where as some of them are in favour of a real democracy and peace in Nepal. In this very context, it has been clarified in the statement that none can deny some of the elements are not trying to gain from by declaring Nepal a failed State. The essence of the aforesaid saying in the statement is to make the Nepalese people further clear by clarifying the reality that all of the international communities have no unified standpoint.

A short time before, India was very much offensive towards you and the previous CC meeting had raised the danger of Indian expansionism. Now, how has been the role of India?

Following the step of February 1, 2005, the fact is open that the discord and contradiction to a certain extent between the king of Nepal and the Indian ruling class has increased. In spite of class unity, today’s necessity is to try to use the contradiction emerged between them in favour of the democratic aspiration of the Nepalese people.

Comrade Chairman, the propaganda like, you declared ceasefire after meeting the foreign minister of India and according to India’s suggestion, is coming from the media of royal government. What is truth, would you clarify?

Nothing can be proved from such propaganda excepting that our declaration of ceasefire caused the brain of royal ringleaders to disfigure. The misinformation of the national betrayers that are killing the best sons and daughters, who love the national integrity and sovereignty of the country more than they do for their life, is nothing other than the excuse to hide their defeat. The fact that who is sensitive and responsible and who is criminal towards the interest of Nepal and Nepalese people is clear as daylight. The feudal palace’s move that the patriotic Nepalese people can be confused by planned misinformation has been too old. Nepalese people have been able to identify their real friend and foe. I challenge the lackeys of the feudal palace to prove that I met with any of the authorities of the Indian government and the ceasefire was declared according to their plan. This kind of misinformation can never save the feudal elements standing in the palisade to get thrown into the garbage can.

Will this ceasefire lead to a concrete result in the situation when, though objectively necessary, the dialogue and cooperation between the Maoist and seven political parties has not yet taken a concrete shape?

The decision the seven political parties took on the next day of our declaration clarifies the fact that our declaration of ceasefire has motivated them to go forward to the direction of taking concrete decision. But, because of vacillating, unclear and collaborationist stance of some of the leaders of the seven political parties, how resolutely they should have taken initiative and decision has not been observed. Nevertheless, we are optimistic that they will come forward with the passing of time.

Comrade Chairman, had this ceasefire been declared by having discussion with seven parliamentarian parties? Was this ceasefire declared to resolve the complexity arisen between the forces waging armed struggle and the peaceful movement?

The present decision of ceasefire has been taken based on our party’s political analysis not by having discussion with anyone else. It is not also true that this declaration has been done to resolve the complexity between peaceful and armed struggle. What is true has been said before.

Can the political movement against the feudal autocracy reach to its climax now? How much optimistic you are towards the possibility of a forward-looking political way out in the near future?

Nepal, in her political history, is in a serious turning point. In the immediate sense, the country can have a forward move only through people’s victory against the feudal power. We, on our behalf, are making efforts to make the people’s movement victorious by utilizing both the tactics of firmness and flexibility maximally as necessitates. The feudal autocratic monarchy has been in political isolation and confined within people’s encirclement from all sides. In this turning point of the history, it is necessary for all of us to push on. What is necessary here is to make ineffective the strategy of some of the international power centres and mainly the United States of America, which does not want this political way out to take place under the leadership of a revolutionary party, is another point to pay attention to.

All have raised the question of democracy. In fact, what kind of democratic republic you mean?

The democratic republic, which we are saying, is the transitional republic that can address the problems related to class, nationality, region and sex in today’s Nepal. Transitional means, it is a republic in between new democratic republic and parliamentary republic with Nepalese specificity.

What is Party’s opinion on the new decisions of the N.C. and UML?

Objectively our party has taken the NC’s decision to remove constitutional monarchy from their party constitution and go ahead for constituent assembly and the UML’s decision that they could go up to democratic republic through constituent assembly as positive and advanced ones, whatever be the reasons subjectively.

How are you looking at the role the civil society is playing now?

In the political movement in Nepal, the civil society has been playing a very important role since the period of anti Panchayat movement. The political clarity and mass mobilisation that is taking place under the initiative of intellectual personalities, including Devendra Raj Pandey, the civil society has become an imitable inspiration for the political parties. In this sense, we have high regard to the role of civil society.

For a party in war, the military success becomes a pressure against the enemy. Now, is not there any possibility of the Party being cornered because of the ceasefire? How much is there the possibility of conspiracy from different internal and external power-centres?

We must never understand the political and military intervention in an absolute sense. If military support for every political intervention and political correctness of every military success could not be justified the movement can fall prey to the conspiracies of national and foreign reactionary powers. We must never forget this salient particularity of Nepalese people’s war of ten years. Enemy’s business is always to conspire. The coordination of military and political intervention is unavoidable to make such kinds of conspiracies ineffective. In this sense, the present declaration of ceasefire is pushing the reactionaries into corner not us.

How possible you see to make the parliamentarian party confront against you by the palace fulfilling their demand of parliament?

Although the palace can move that pawn of conspiracy but right now it has not been imminent. Therefore, we have been appealing the parliamentarian parties to come forward directly to the interim government and constituent assembly for their slogan of reinstatement of parliament has already been outdated and turned to be a weapon for the palace to play.

What is the situation of inner-struggle within the party? Has it gone to the direction of resolution?

The problem of unhealthy inner-struggle has already been resolved. Healthy inner-struggle is the party life so it continues uninterruptedly.

A joint statement of Ganapathy, the general secretary of CPI (Maoist), and yours has come out. How will the communist movement in the region and the world go ahead?

Ideologically, we are confident on the fact that a new wave of revolution in South Asia and the world is coming up. Our joint statement with comrade Ganapathy is the expression of that identical ideological conviction.

In The News

  • Let’s visualize Nepal without king: Nepal Kantipur .... Speaking at a program in Tulsipur of Dang district in the Mid-western region yesterday Nepal further said, “The restoration of Citizens’ rights is possible only through constituent assembly elections. Therefore, let’s imagine Nepal without a king.” ...... the ongoing political agitation launched by the seven-party alliance was aimed at ending the two-and-a-half year old royal arrogance.
  • Prohibitory orders for civil society
  • Circle of monarchists narrowing down: Thapa .... Surya Bahadur Thapa Sunday said that circle of constitutional monarchists is narrowing down due to the government’s wrong policy adopted to eliminate the entity of the political parties ....... “Our party has concluded that the country is being polarized towards extremism, so we will present ourselves as offensive but medium progressive force in this situation” ....... his party did not agree with the decisions taken by the bigger parties such as Nepali Congress and CPN-UML in the recent days....... also expressed profound concern over the government’s repressive stance taken towards the press
  • Seven Maoists arrested in Dang .... A security forces patrol arrested seven Maoists while they were holding a programme at Tulsipur Municipality Ward No. 6 Motipur, in Dang district ..... “area member” Meghraj Pandey, Maoist-aligned Tharuwan Mukti Morcha "central member" Ram Bahadur Dahit, “area secretary” Gandharam Chaudhari, “district members” Bhim Chaudhari, Bishnu Sharma, Sundarlal Chaudhari, and Khum Bahadur Rana, the RNA No. 19 Brigade Tulsipur informed. .....
  • Agitation On The Rise INSN
  • Internally Displaced Population Syndrome In Nepal INSN The Government of Nepal’s atrocious treatment of members of the Maoist Victims Association, who protested for recognition as “internal refugees” status in May 2005, raises some legitimate questions about the Government’s commitment to Internally Displaced Population (IDP) protection. Its ruthless actions make clear that the IDP problem is not a main concern for them..... between 100,000 and 200,000, and the number of Nepalese who have been forced to flee to India could be as high as 500,000 ..... approximately 80 percent of all displaced populations are generally women and children under age 18...... number of internally displaced children in Nepal may be as high as 100,000 to 120,000....... even after more than the nice years of conflict, the UN and international community still tend to approach their activities in Nepal from a development perspective only, resulting in little or no focus on the displaced population....... refugeesinternational.org .....

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Protests




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Bharat Mohan Adhikari Is In Town










86 Photos

I met him. I guess I get to take him around town on the 15th. And of course for the rally on the 16th. Then he is off to his daughter and son-in-law in St. Paul the day after.

I met up with him in his hotel room near Penn Station. Then I went off to an Alliance talk program in Jackson Heights. Then a bunch of us came back to Adhikari's hotel room. He is the most prominent democrat to have come this way since 2/1.

I also learned Sharad Chandra Shaha, Lokendra Bahadur Chand, and Taranath Rana Bhat are all staying at the same hotel. I am going to make an effort to go meet all of them. I am particularly eager to go meet Shaha. I was at high school during the 1990 movement and I have been in the US since 1996. Nepal's past does not mean the same to me that it might mean to people who have been there for decades. For me it is the idea of making peace and I find it intellectually fascinating. I am going to make one last ditch effort to hammer the monarchists through Shaha: Proposed Constitution. If I have had the patience with the Maoists, I should have some also for the Monarchists. But I intend to speak from a position of strength. There is always Plan B.

I wanted to comment on Adhikari's expansive analysis on Nepali politics, but I guess I will interview him formally later on. And as for the talk program, I will add a link to the audio clip itself once Anil and Sarahana have put it online.

And, yes, the samosa was great.

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