Monday, August 22, 2005

You Can Always Trust The Democrats To Be About Two Months Behind Schedule


It happened after 2/1, and it has happened after the last concrete offer from the Maoists for comprehensive peace talks. The parties have decided they do want to talk to the Maoists after all.
 The King Ventures Outside The Capital

Ridiculed as the Mayor of Kathmandu after 2/1, the king has been out visiting. I think it is good he is.

Supreme Court, FM Radio Stations, And House Revival

The tussle between the government and the Supreme Court on the issue of if or not the FM radio stations may air news - duh! - has larger implications. If the Supreme Court were to revive the House, that would smooth so many things. The country could be spared a lot of pain.

Can't Make Private Banks Pay For Army Helicopter Purchases

That is a real bad move. It smacks of arm twisting of the worst kind. This also gives you hints the regime is only digging heels. It does not intend to negotiate.

In The News
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Hridayesh Tripathy







100 Photos : Now there are more photos of Hridayesh Tripathy at this blog than of any other single individual.
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Sunday, August 21, 2005

The Kathmandu Media Ignores The Sadbhavana


I tried to collect photos online for a collage of the democratic coalition. I am surprised - perhaps I should not be - I can not find a single photo of Hridayesh Tripathy.

Bijay Kumar might be one of the few mainstream journalists in Nepal who has given Tripathy his due. He has featured Tripathy at Dishanirdesh quite regularly.

I tried to capture a still image from the video archives at Dishanirdesh, but so far have not been successful for technical reasons.

But then Bijay Kumar himself has been sidelined by the current regime. His program has been shelved. If the junta ever needed to show its true colors.

I emailed both Hridayesh Tripathy and Rajendra Mahto requesting they email me their digital photos.

My childhood friend Rajesh Gupta, more technologically proficient than me, is also making a go at extracting a still image from the Bijay Kumar archives. Let's see if he can do it.

It's such a shame.

The Sadbhavana has been unique in highlighting the political plight of the Madhesis. Most everyone else does not even seem to have the vocabulary. Not even the Madhesis in the other parties, including the prominent ones.

The new constitution will have to accord the Madhesis political equality at the outset, the cornerstone of which will have to be (1) federalism, (2) all parliamentary constituencies demarcated on near equal population, and (3) due recognition of Hindi as the lingua franca of the Terai.

Enough is enough.

Nothing is more laughable than the remnants of Pahadi chauvinism within the democracy movement. So you want my support for what? It is not democratic unity to keep mum on the Madhesi issue. It is not democratic, for sure, and it sure is not unity. A political system that does not accord political equality to Madhesis is not democracy, it is sham.

Okay, Gupta's efforts too failed. So the collage is sans Tripathy.
And some of the video clips:
  • Part 15: The king is an obstacle to the democrat Bahuns, those Bahuns are an obstacle to the DaMaJaMa.
  • Part 16: (Hindi and Maithili) What can the Madhesis do for Madhesi rights?
  • Part 17: (Maithili) Madhesi hum lenge sau mein pachas.
  • Part 18: (Maithili) The Sadbhavana is a litmust test for the Madhesis who have made it.
There is prejudice, internalized prejudice, and anti-prejudice. It is a triangle. Many Madhesis through their internalized versions present but a mirror image of the prevalent prejudices.

Here is a news clip from July 17.

The media’s ethnic gap Nepali Times, Nepal .... an anguished email from a well-known author and editor, a pahadi janajati, citing a small news item which reported that no journalist turned up for a press conference called by madhesi students. He was agitated by this gross discrimination..... The media influences public knowledge and opinion both by what it reports and what it leaves out...... the grievances of a handful of madhesi university students being beaten up .... one more example of the perhaps unconscious collective effort of the pahadia dominated press to erase madhesis from the media and thus from public knowledge and national discourse .... the press on the whole did not report on the first ever national conference on the tarai, focusing especially on the madhesis...... conference was held in a well-known hotel, press releases were faxed and it was attended by several journalists..... no serious reporting on the discussions of the conference nor even a mention of the dukkha of being a madhesi .... Journalists do write or speak about the madhesh or tarai but mainly as a location down south where negative events occur. The madhesis themselves hardly figure in the stories. Or as one madhesi journalist bitterly complained during a conference, the national press usually ignores madhesis except to portray them in bad light. A reputed organisation which has published a series of landmark books on the media’s coverage of dalits and janajatis has not yet brought out a publication on the media and madhesis....... pahadi media gatekeepers are doing injustice to madhesis ....
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Logic For The Maoists







These are the things the Maoists themselves have said:
  • That their ultimate goal continues to be a classless utopia, but that the goal could take a hundred or more years to realize.
  • That even if they were to come to power, their transformation of the state to that end would be peaceful. They basically are ditching the Mao line that power flows through the barrel of a gun.
  • As to how to come to power. Their first choice is to get the seven parties to come along for a common goal of a Democratic Republic. If that be not forthcoming, they are willing to settle for a Constituent Assembly to draw a new constitution for the country, and if the Assembly were to keep a Constitutional Monarchy, they will be fine with that.
So there are only a few points of contention left:
  1. Whether or not to go for a Constituent Assembly. The parliamentary parties, especially the two big ones, were not for the idea for the longest time. But now they have come around to it. But the Monarchists are still not for the idea. As to how to get the Monarchists to come around to it remains a struggle. The longer the Monarchists hold on, more they stand to lose.
  2. How to enter the Constituent Assembly. Here the Maoists are unclear. They are going to have to disarm for that. As to how to disarm, on that point I myself am unclear. But I am open to the idea of third party mediation. Disarming can be done in several ways. And of course the army will have to be sent back to the barracks before elections can take place.
  3. Who will conduct those elections? I think an interim government should. Here Girija has been posing a problem. This whole House revival thing has the ring of a Baptist revival.
For now it would be best for the Maoists to take the initiative to engage in trust building measures. I wish the democrats took the initiative, but I believe the Maoists might swamp them electorally after peace, so the Congress and the UML are leery of engaging the Maoists more than they have done so far.

On their part, all the above stands of the Maoists have only been taken by the central leadership. They of all people need to understand they need to adopt their new platform through a party convention. They, after all, have taken a fundamental departure from classic Maoism. That has to be formally codified. Because if they don't, they are making it hard for people like me who have been working against the global demonization of the Maoists to make headway. If the Maoists do now believe in the peaceful tools of state power, how come they have not said as much in any of their authoritative documents? That is a valid point.

Whichever camp - the Maoists or the democrats - takes greater initiatives to engage in trust-building measures now will reap the larger rewards once peace is achieved. Because the Nepali people sure are watching. And they do understand.

The Maoists should not become enemies to their steps 3,4,5 and 6 by not getting creative with steps 1 and 2. And if they do take the lead, they stand a strong chance of emerging the largest party within a multi-party framework. After all, is that not what they want?

It is like the Gagan Thapa dilemma. He has the guts to challenge the king for the democratic cause, but he gets confused when it comes time to challenge Girija's autocratic ways inside the Congress.

The Maoists have been willing to die for their cause. But now when their goal is in sight, will they make some smart, peaceful moves to make all those sacrifices worth it?

The current political paralysis has to be undone. One camp has to take the initiative.

Some of the things the Maoists could do to seize the initiative:
  1. Engage the cadres of the seven parties at the local levels in dialogue. Prove that they can work freely wherever. For this you do not need the permission of the central leaders of the seven parties.
  2. Call for a party convention to adopt the new party program of a peaceful transformation.
  3. Halt the military campaign, and aid the seven party agitation in all the urban areas. By just staying out of the way.
  4. Start training your cadres for the transition. Peaceful grass roots organizing is different from wielding the gun. Teach them new skills.
I mean, you can not say you do mean to lay down your arms and engage in peaceful, progressive exercises of power, and then turn around and give the world hell about disarming!

The UML is about to totally go republican. The Congress is heavily tilting that way. But neither of them will ever compromise on the basic disarmament issue.

In The News
  • Seven-party meet to continue Monday NepalNews Nepali Congress (NC) president Girija Prasad Koirala, CPN (UML) general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, NC (Democratic) acting president Gopalman Shrestha, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party (NEPP) chairman Narayan Man Bijuckche and Nepal Sadbhawana Party (Anandi Devi) general secretary Hridayesh Tripathi and United Left Front’s Chandra Prakash Mainali attended the meeting.
  • UML meet continues NepalNews ..... the UML leaders stressed that the party should opt for a democratic republic...... Jhala Nath Khanal, reportedly, demanded that the party go for an early general convention so as to reorganize it from an ideological, political, theoretical and organizational point of view.
  • NC Leaders Suggest Organizational Reform Kantipur ..... pressed for the election of 75 percent of central working committee members, including vice-president of the party..... Currently, NC general convention elects 50 percent of the central committee members and the rest are nominated by the party president...... also suggested reservation for underrepresented groups— women, Dalits, Janajatis and people from underdeveloped regions— in the party's central committee. ..... Ram Chandra Poudel, Narahari Acharya, Dr Ram Saran Mahat, Arjun Narsing KC, Mahesh Acharya, Lila Koirala, Aamod Prasad Upadhaya, Radheshyam Adhikari and Chandra Bhandari..... the party's central committee members be given more responsibilities in party activities to decentralize power traditionally concentrated in the party president. ....... election of the vice-president in the party would clear the line of leadership succession for the future....... Narahari Acharya suggested that Koirala should clear the way for younger leaders to contest for the party presidency. He also informed Koirala that he would contest for the presidency.
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Saturday, August 20, 2005

The Democrats


This is the best of the three crowds. It is not any face on the map: it is rather the ideal of democracy that has oomph. Although there are some faces that really stand out: foremost of course being BP Koirala. Talking democracy in 1990 or 2000 is much easier than it must have been five decades back, and BP talked democracy back then.

BP had his fair share of comrades, not least among them being his brother Girija himself whom he lovingly referred to as a "hawaldar," someone more useful as a freedom fighter than he ever was as Prime Minister.

Krishna Prasad Bhattarai did a great job as interim Prime Minister. He had this great way of diffusing tension and taking along disparate people for a ride.

In the UML camp, Madan Bhandari stands out. His theoretical contribution to bringing his hard core communist party into a multi-party framework might not ring a lot of bells for the democrats, but it was a big leap for the communist camp. Too bad he did not stick around to cultivate his ideas further and to apply them with tools of power.

Gajendra Narayan Singh is a major symbol for the DaMaJaMa crowd, or at least for the largest component within it. His work remains unfinished business.

Old faces must go, new faces must come into place. That is necessary for the democratic process.

But now the talk has to be about tomorrow.

In a way it is tragic where the country is today. On the other hand, it is also a golden opportunity to create a new Nepal. It is possible to put Nepal on the political cutting edge so as to unleash its economic potential.

It is homework time for the democrats. There have to be free-flowing discussions, but there also has to be unity for the common bedrock of democracy itself.

Like Jesse Jackson would say, "Movement Time!"

Talk about new faces, I think Girija himself has identified two of them!

Gagan Thapa and Narahari Acharya both have clarity of vision. They are more in tune with the sentiments on the ground than most others. It is a litmus test for a democratic party as to if it will make room for these two or sideline them. And it is also a challenge to the political skills of these two to prove that they can walk the walk in intra-party politics, because that is one of the things you do for the democratic ideal you have wedded yourself to. Bill Clinton says politics is a contact sport. You have to get in the mud. Or like John Kennedy once noted, "Mothers want their sons to become president, but they don't want them to become politicians in the process."

An out of power party has to necessarily be transformed before it can reclaim power. And that transformation is not easy. You have to pick fights along the way.

Bill Clinton had to reinvent the Democratic Party before he could become president in 1992, Tony Blair had to do the same with Labor in Britain.

A Nepali Congress that can not introduce internal democracy inside the party is not going to be the foremost voice for democracy in the country.

And the Nepali democrats actually have it easy. Aang Saang Su Kyi is in jail in Burma. Benazir Bhutto is in exile. If you can't do it under the given circumstances, when can you? The 1990 movement was conducted in more difficult circumstances.

If the democrats do enough homework and well, they are back to occupying centerstage.

Nepal will have to establish democracy, and then Nepal will have to export that democracy elsewhere in the region.

Food, water, democracy: every human being needs and deserves these three things.

And that Nepal is a global concept. The Nepali diaspora has been a big part of the movement. The social fermentations that take place among the diaspora also has a positive impact on the process of social transformation in the country.

The impact is also to be felt economically. A democratic Nepal will be able to tap into its diaspora to make possible rapid economic growth.
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The Two Extremes



If you think about it, both Rebel Baburam and King Gyanendra are fairly smart people. Neither fall within my ideological domains, that's there. But when you evaluate them within the parameters both have chosen to operate in, sharpness of mind is obvious. That is particularly true of Baburam.

Baburam is intellectually gifted like few Nepali politicians are. I have always trusted him to steer clear of dogmatism, and he has not disappointed. His free flowing criticisms of Stalin should give people hope. This is no Pol Pot wannabe. Most communists tend not to be original: they put me off like right wing Christians do. But Baburam has managed to retain his originality to an extent despite his considerable mental training in Marxist thought.

King Gyanendra might be the Michael Corelone of his family, not the eldest brother, but the cleverst, the most deft with power. He sure outmaneuvred the democratic bunch. And the coup was executed with finesse.

And he keeps on keeping on. He has stood to all global powers that there are, often with brazen contempt. I don't think that is particularly wise long term, but it does make you notice.

It is hard to point a similar figure in the democratic camp as these two. That is comic, but that is also tragic.

It is a curious Nepali dilemma that these two are at loggerheads. The struggle is fierce and it goes on.

Hopefully the vital democratic center will rejuvenate itself and claim its rightful place. Understanding these two individuals might be key to such a democratic success: their ideological paradigms as well their pesonal qualities.

In The News
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The Narahari Acharya Proposal


The Narahari Acharya Proposal

Now that he has declared he might run for party president, I feel the need to talk more fully about his proposal. I should perhaps begin with a summary. The document is 29 pages. It has a lot of gravitas to it.

This easily is the best piece of writing since 2/1 to have come from any Nepali holding a major political party office. Acharya has already proven his leadership by having the guts to come up with it. The bad people monkey with the tools of power when the good people choose to stay quiet and uninvolved. Protesting and pontificating is one thing, but you really have to acquire power if you do mean to do good.

I personally strongly endorse Acharya's candidacy. I hope he formally declares his candidacy, something not even Koirala has done so far. And if he declares, I think he will win. So far he is the only one with a message.

This is not to say I have any kind of personal dislike for Girija Koirala. Koirala and his family have made major contributions to the democratic cause in Nepal over decades. But I think it is high time Koirala retired. Even Ronald Reagan retired after a point. Even Atal Bihari Vajpayee did. I think Girija should be more like what Ganeshman Singh was for the 1990 movement. More like this respected figure who stays away from the day to day details of the movement. He should bless the movement, but let the new leadership take over.

If there is a transfer of power to a new generation leader with a message for democracy both in the country and inside the party, the Nepali Congress might begin to reverse its decline.

And I think Narahari Acharya should bring Gagan Thapa into the Nepali Congress' central committee. He is old enough. Over 40% of Nepalis are less than 14 years old.

The document has great analysis, and it captures the public sentiment for democracy as it exists today. The best part of the document is that it offers proposals for democratic outlets for people who might have alternate or even better proposals, especially people from alternate political ideologies. That "safety valve" might be the crown jewel of Acharya's document.

Looks to me like Narahari Acharya is a "good" Bahun! He has even managed to articulate some of the Madhesi grievances.

So what's in the document?

A Proposed Democratic State Structure For A New Nepal

There has been a major democratic debate going on.

(1) Background For The State Structure

The struggle for democracy has been going on for over five decades now. The major actors of the 1990 movement did not do a good job of further polishing democracy and institutionalizing it. Not enough space was provided even inside the Nepali Congress for debates that might have further strengthened the democracy. The four point agenda of the seven parties is the last major work done for the cause. But they have been more like knee-jerk reactions and less like serious political propositions.

Nobody has been able to speak against the basic concept of multi-party democracy, not the king, not the Maoists. But as to what form that democracy will take, there is little agreement on that. The challenge is to synthesize all the divergent viewpoints.

Nepal has always had this capital city centered state structure where the ruler's sex, caste, group and language dominate.

Now the emphasis is on creating an inclusive structure. Some think only a republican setup will provide for true inclusion. But whatever the case, there is little debate as to where the sovereignty ought to rest. It ought to rest with the people.

What are the items on our agenda? What priorities should we accord to each item? All questions will not get answered in one attempt. But we can draw from the experiences elsewhere in the world. We also can draw from our experiences. The monarchy-centered thought patterns have prevented modernization and democratization. It is that thinking that has also prevented us from truly understanding the Maoist insurgency.

The 1991 parliament was not made good use of. The parliament was not able to provide voice to the minority and that voice spilled over into the streets. The voice in the streets was marginalized, and that morphed into a violent insurgency.

How to identify minorities? 20% are not Hindu: there are religious minorities. More than 50% do not speak Nepali. Over 90 languages are officially listed of which 12 are major. There are women. There are caste and ethnic groups.

The women are a majority, but they are forced to live within sexist social structures, and their participation is low in all public spheres.

The Dalits have been subjected to inhuman exclusion.

The Madhesis have been sidelines from the state machinery. Even normal participation for them is not in the collective mentality.

Karnali has been regionally sidelined.

(2) People's Ownership

People's sovereignty has to be established. Once that is done, we will have a forum to address all the other grievances.

This king has unilaterally breached the 1990 understanding between the king and the parties. The 1990 experiment has been a total failure.

Talks of reform and amendments make no sense when the country has no parliament, and it is not possible to hold elections to a new parliament. After 2/1 it is a strange practice to look for the validity and relevance of the 1990 constitution. The very quest for democracy asks us not only to think in terms of a new question, but also to think in terms of how it will come about, who all will be involved, in what ways.

It is obvious the next constitution will have to be drafted by elected representatives. To face the roadblocks to that clear destination is the challenge for the democracy movement.

How can you hold elections to a Constituent Assembly when you can not hold elections to a parliament? What will be the outcome of such an Assembly? Will the outcome be accepted? Will the elections to the Assembly be free and fair? All these frequently raised are questions on process.

A Constituent Assembly is the surest way to bring peace. The political exercise that will take the country to an Assembly will itself address all the questions.

There are no alternatives to a Constituent Assembly.

(3) Peaceful Transformation

In 1990 the king vetoed the idea of a provision for referendums in the constitution.

That mistake should not be repeated. Because in shaping the constitution today, we can not speak for the future generations.

(4) Federal State Structure

Federalism is widely getting recognized globally as the antidote to civil wars and ethnic strife.
The 1990 movement did not establish federalism in Nepal: that is strange and alarming.

A scientific demarcation of states has to be made.

Centralization has for too long and erroneously been equated with national unity.

Democracy can not be imagined without federalism: federalism is that fundamental.

Federalism is also a political cure to the Maoist insurgency.

(4.1) Structure For Regions And The Need

The more diverse a country, greater the need for local autonomies.

Federalism and decentralization and local autonomies also lead to greater participation in the democracy.

Nepal might look small compared to India and China, but it really is not that small a country, either by population or land area.

It is hard to seek ethnic homogeneity when creating states. You end up with states where the largest ethnic group is a clear minority. And people move around. You already have mixed populations in all urban areas.

It is hard also to seek geographical similarity.

(4.2) The Importance Of Regional Structures

Democracy's goal is to strengthen the citizen, not the state.

(5) Direct Elections For Prime Minister

So far there has not been any attempt to look beyond the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy. Our experience since 1990 has shown the British model is not good for us.

In the UK and in India, although there are no direct elections for Prime Minister, such candidates are known during elections.

There could be one arrangement at the federal level, quite another at the state level.

Direct elections will also get rid of the Prime Minister's prerogative to dissolve the parliament.
The Prime Minister's cabinet will also be from outside the parliament. This way there will be a clear demarcation between the legislative and the executive.

(6) Election Procedures

(6.1) The Electoral Tradition And Today's Needs

(6.2) Types Of Election Processes

There are direct and indirect elections. There's first past the post, and there are elections where the winner has to have a majority vote: a plurality is not enough. There are elections where you vote for a party, not any candidate.

(6.3) Our System: Reform Or Change

Our largest parliamentary constituencies are several times larger than the smallest ones. Our winners are, by definition, always only those with minority votes. The majority of the votes go waste. Our process also make elections expensive, and money ends up being the decisive factor. Those who can spend more usually win.

Our parties distribute tickets for elections in unclear, opaque ways. That is a major deficiency. There also has been some criminalization of politics.

(7) Management Of The Army

Every state on the planent has an army.

It is possible to not have a standing army, but instead to train the citizens who can be called for service if and when necessary. Even is there is to remain a standing army, that has to be under civilian control, and that army has to look like the country in terms of diversity.

Even the President of India is Supreme Commander of the Indian Army, but that is understood to be ceremonial. The same was to be the case for the king in Nepal, but this king has misinterpreted that provision.

Women and the Madhesis have been excluded from the army. Thas has to change.

(8) The Monarchy: The Central Topic

(8.1) The Monarchy In A Tight Circle

The Nepali Congress has proposed that it is the parliament that should make laws on royal succession, and there should be a ministry for royal affairs to make royal proceedings transparent. These have been internal debates that have been suffocated by key members of the party leadership.

This king's various actions have shown constitional monarchy is not a democratic option in th case of Nepal.

(8.2) Introduction Of A Republic

A republic is a natural form of democracy. It is one's democratic right to ponder the need and possibilities of a republic. Unless the monarch himself takes the initiative to become and remain a constitutional monarch, a republic is guranteed. The republican sentiment is strong not only among students: it is much wider.

(9) Political Parties

The political parties have work cut out for them to gain credibility among the people. The leaders have been a letdown.

(9.1) The British Tradition Of Party Formation

(9.2) Laws About Parties

The parties have disappointed in the post-1990 period.

Party funds need to be made transparent, parties need to be democratized.

(9.3) Democratic Exercise And Fiscal Transparency

Parties fighting for democracy, how democratic are they in their internal operations? The mentality and operations have been anything but democratic even among the big banner parties.

It is possible for the state to fund parties in proportion to the amount of votes a party might get.

(9.4) Making The Parties Strong And Responsible

There should be national laws to enforce democracy inside parties. The Election Commission should host a party's national convention to elect party president. Party primaries should decide on party candidates.

(10) Responsible Judiciary

Our judicial system is way too slow.

(11) The State's Responsibility For Social Welfare

Education, health and employment are issues in which the state can get involved.

(12) Women's Participation In The State

Women's participation in all spheres of life will expand after their participation in the political process can be enhanced.

Countries with first past the post election systems have tended not to have many elected women officials.

Education is important, but education only is not enough.

(13) Dalit Participation In The State

The 1990 movement brought the Dalit question to the forefront. Dalit liberation is a major human rights issue. They are over 13% of the population but had no representation in the parliament.

(14) Madhesi Presence In The State

The Madhesis have been ignored for too long. The Madhesis have never been thought to be part of the national identity.

(15) Conclusion

Women, Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati. Including them in the state structure is a major challenge. That is a big reason why a new state structure is needed.

In the post-1990 period the efforts to strengthen democracy have been more emotional and less institutional.

The Maoist insurgency was not possible during the Rana rule or during the Panchayat era. Democracy has allowed centuries old wounds to come to the surface.

The state has to be restructured for democracy, for federalism, for inclusion, for peace and progress.
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Friday, August 19, 2005

The King And His Three Years





So the king says he is going to hold municipality elections within a year of 2/1 and parliamentary elections within three years of the same date, when he will handover power.

This regime is illegitimate. And so there is no question of the political parties participating in anything organized by this government.

But there also are technical questions.

Will the Maoists allow the elections? Isn't there a military stalemate in the country?

And if the elections are a way to forego talks with the Maoists, does that not merely prolong the civil war? The common wisdom is that talks are the best way out, the only way out.

The election talk is like another of the king's illegitimate moves, this whole idea of snatching away some members of the various political parties to induct into his cabinet. If that is his way of saying even people from various parties are with him, he is sorely mistaken. Individuals who are no longer members of parties are not democrats supporting 2/1.

And the move actually is a big reason why the king should not be paid as much by the Nepali people. You take money from the Nepali people, and you organize a coup to take power away from them. Neither the money nor the power is yours. So when you buy away politicians with that money and power, what message are you sending?

Of course I don't know the king, never met him, and all that good stuff. But going by his public actions, the only thing he will respond to will be a major people's movement. Statements by individuals, domestic or foreign, is not going to budge this guy. The movement is also important to polish up the democracy itself, to offer a better, more transparent, more vibrant, more responsive democracy than what we had in the 1990s. The movement is for democracy in the country, and for democracy inside the political parties.

I almost feel like Tulsi Giri saying it is either monarchy or democracy is Giri speaking on behalf of the king. Either he is going to be an active monarch or he will be a private citizen, a businessman. He does not wish to be a constitutional monarch. To each his or her own.

There are no short cuts to a movement. I think the talk should be on the logistics of the movement.

Monarchism is an ideology, just like Maoism. There are Maoists, there are Monarchists.

It is a group driven by a certain ideology. Before you can deal with them, you have to see them for who they are. To appeal to their good side is naive. What is the good side to Tulsi Giri!

Narahari Acharya For Nepali Congress President

Acharya is in news today saying he might contest for the party presidency. (Narahari Acharya Deserves A Platform August 17)
I think that is great news. So far he is the only Congress person who has come forth with a clear platform. (The Narahari Acharya Proposal)

The party is not any person or family's private property. It is a public institution. It belongs to all its members.

Email From Bimalendra Nidhi

I received an email from Bimalji yesterday. I was delighted.

Nidhi was born in 1955. He was president of Nepal Student Union from 1980 to 1983. He has a Masters degree from Tribhuvan University. He is an Executive Member of the Central Working Committee and Chief of the Policy and Program Development of the Nepali Democratic Congress.

Date: Thu, 18 Aug 2005 22:43:49 -0700 (PDT)
From: "Paramendra Kumar Bhagat"
Subject: Re: Hello from Nidhi.
To: "Bimalendra Nidhi"
CC: "_______" , "______" , "_______" , "________"

Nidhiji. There are many people you should meet. And we will help arrange.

But these four names stand out.

_______, ______, and _______ are with the Alliance For Demoracy And Human Rights In Nepal, the number one organization working for democracy in Nepal.

And ______ runs _____.

We will look forward to seeing you.

Hello ___, ___, ____, _____. Nidhiji is a man who needs no introduction. He was the first person Deuba inducted into his cabinet after he became Prime Minister.

His family is like Koirala or Singh. It has made major sacrifices for democracy.

For me what is really big is that Nidhiji is a fellow Janakpuriya.

From: "Bimalendra Nidhi"
To: paramendra@yahoo.com
Subject: Hello from Nidhi.
Date: Thu, 18 Aug 2005 22:06:35 +0545

Dear Parmendra Bhagatji.

Thank you very much for regular mail.Specialy dedicated on Democracy.

We might come to the US.May be in the last week of September 2005.Hope we will meet there. If it is possible please send me email addresses of some friends whom I should meet over there.

With good wishes.
Bimalendra Nidhi.
Kathmandu, Nepal.

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Wednesday, August 17, 2005

Somnath Ghimire On Leadership Crisis In Nepali Congress



Leadership crisis in Nepali Congress: Largest Democratic Party of Nepal

 Somnath Ghimire
President, NSU USA & Canada Chapter

Today Nepal faces a crisis of leadership. Nepali Congress Party, the largest democratic organization is suffering during this time of leadership crisis when needed right now due to a political turmoil in Nepal. With the crisis clearly accepted by professional pollsters, astute observers and established leaders, the question becomes for us, how do we curb the current crisis of leadership? Which leader is to take responsibility for the events happening in Nepal? Who is the real leader as a role model? Perhaps the answer is found in returning to the basics of leadership. It is not simplistic to say that the current crisis stems from faulty leadership discovery and poor leadership development. But there is also another underlying reason for the current crisis of leadership: selfish leadership.

Why our leaders in Nepal became power & wealth oriented? And each of our so called democratic leaders should have engaged in a process in their democratic ways, which could, in time, produce an acceptable democratic system. Transparency is a hallmark of democracy. The content of democratic traditions is best made by example rather than by empty words. Our leaders did not recognize the real followers of the party, who have been struggling hard through out their life for the shake of the party and people. Who do we follow and trust?

The selfish leader will attempt to lead others for their own gain and for the detriment of others. These people believe that life is a point driven, zero-sum game, with winners and losers. They encourage others to be losers in the game of life so that they can collect all the spoils for themselves. Selfish leaders are driven by dishonesty.

As the NC leader and then PM Girija babu dissolved the parliament in 1994, the evil days and black cloud started again in Nepal. The NC must take all the responsibilities of the political uncertainty and agony in Nepal. The Nepalese people trusted NC for two general elections. Alas! It could not function well and Nepalese people suffered a lot again onto uncertainty of political agony and detraction of NC. Some of our leaders are all to be blamed as the root cause of political uncertainty in Nepal. Why our leaders have to be involved in corruptions while our hard earned baby democracy was just fostering? Had they been highly moralized and gave the people the test of a good governance, the country would not have been plunged into darkness and king himself would not be spearheaded as at present. And also there would not have been Maoist's problems. Now again, Girija Babu is trying to hold on to his power in NC which might be the result of his unsuccessful leadership in Nepalese politics. We can still remember how he went to the poll even there was the majority of NC in parliament. It is of utmost important to give leadership to young generation in Nepal.

Now our country Nepal needs a leader like Gagan Kumar Thapa and Narhari Acharya, whose impact is for their good and the good of Nepal and society. If leaders of 21st Century do not bring change as needed by the timeframe, their impact will be disastrous. We can understand that in 2017 BS, NC has to shoulder the Monarchy but not necessarily in 21st Century. Just as polluted water is as bad, or worse, than no water, so selfish leadership is as bad, or worse, than no leadership in any democratic institutions. The great need of the day is for that leadership, who is potential with high hope and aspiration and can bring changes in our society when needed. Our leaders in Nepal must ask themselves, Am I a true leader and who am I leading to and where?

Many of Nepali leaders have a faulty understanding of what it means to be a leader; they have chosen not to ask this question. Many people have been called to be leaders but have dismissed that call because they are not sure what a leader looks like or what a leader does. As a result potential leaders have failed to blossom because there is not any discipline and transparency in Nepali Congress' leadership. To counteract this problem, we have to take intentional steps to stir up the leadership potential in Nepali Congress.

Certainly, leadership is vital in the political realms. But, those realms are only the beginning -- and they may not be the most important areas in need of true leaders. Our leaders need to realize that they must broaden their definition of the spheres of leadership. They should understand that leaders are needed everywhere, in all aspects of life. Leaders in Nepal need to discover their leadership potential and they will embark on a journey that will truly be a nation making, life changing and life making.

True and clean leadership is the greatest key to curb the current crisis of leadership in Nepal. Due to poor leadership development, some people are in a position lead, but they lack the skills to do it effectively. We must give attention to our own leadership potential. As a leader in many different realms of life, we must develop the traits of great leaders like Late BP Koirala and Ganesh Man Singh. They were always guided by three life-precepts: integrity, innovation, and intelligence. And they have given their attention to the development of each of the three precepts. As a leader, listen to your inner voice and begin developing the strong character that defines a leader. If a leader listens to second or third person for his decision making, he is not a leader; instead we call him a defector.

We support leaders like Gagan Thapa and Narhari Acharya to continue their struggle without halting despite difficulties or setbacks. Those who win are those who continue one minute longer. We all know that it is the commitment to daily excellence that leads to their eventual destination: republican setup in Nepal.

It reminds me that "There are no traffic jams on the extra mile." The current leadership crisis calls for people who will go the extra mile to discover their leadership potential and develop their leadership ability. As we embark on this journey, remember that the Chinese character for crisis is a combination of the symbols for danger and opportunity. This is very insightful. The crisis of leadership is a dangerous time when people are without clear direction as it is happening in Nepal. However, it is also an opportunity for those who are willing to give attention to leadership development. Our culture is crying out for good leadership, and those who seek to meet the demand will succeed in bringing about positive and lasting transformation, ultimately leads to a republic Nepal.

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