Proposed Constitution

Proposed Constitution

Preamble

1. Nepal is a federal republic, a total, transparent democracy, with the sovereignty resting with the Nepali people.

Article 1: The Legislative Branch

1. There is to be a lower house, the Pratinidhi Sabha, with 180 members, 60 per state, and a upper house, the Rajya Sabha, with 60 members, 20 per state, all of whom are to be directly elected through constituencies demarcated such that the largest has a population not more than 5% of the smallest, geographically in close approximation to a circle or a square, and protected from partisan gerrymandering by an autonomous Election Commission. The constituencies need not respect district boundaries. Three constituencies for the Pratinidhi Sabha will make one for the Rajya Sabha. The entire Sabha is dissolved en masse when its term nears expiration.
2. The Pratinidhi Sabha will have reserved seats for the four groups, Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati and Mahila, 10%, 20%, 10%, and 25% with some overlaps. So the half of the seats for women will cut across that of these four groups as well. For example, of the 10% seats for Dalits, 25% of them will have to be women. And the 10% for Dalits will be half in the Terai, but that is not to cut into the Madhesi reserved seats. 10, 20, 15 and 25 are half the supposed shares of the populations of these groups, to be revised each census. The reservation for a group is discontinued once its share in the Pratinidhi Sabha hits 80% of its share in the national population. When identifying the seats for the Dalit, Madhesi and Janajati, the Election Commission will seek constituencies where the groups have their largest share of populations. No three contiguous seats may be reserved seats.
   
3. Other than the specified groups, the Muslims will get 2%. The Newars will get one seat in the Kathmandu valley.
   
4. All matters of national importance are to be decided by the national parliament through a majority vote unless otherwise stated. Parliamentary procedures are to be laid out or revised with a 60% vote margin.
5. The legislatures are to elect their Speakers and Deputy Speakers. The legislatures shall assemble at least once every four months, and as often as necessary.
   
6. No parliamentarian may be arrested while the parliament might be in session except for felony charges. Their speech in parliament is protected from any and all oversight, legal and otherwise.
7. A simple majority of the parliament will pass the budget. All budget proposals must originate in the Pratinidhi Sabha.
   
8. All bills must be posted online in three languages - Nepali, Hindi and English - for at least one week before they may be voted upon.
9. All regional and international treaties that Nepal might enter into will have to pass a 60% majority in the parliament.
10. Political parties may not engage in fund-raising activities. Instead each national party, described as those that garnered at least 3% of the votes in the previous nationwide parliamentary elections, will get an annual sum that will be directly proportional to the number of votes it earned. That money is to be used for party-building and electioneering activities. Details of expenses are to be posted online in the three languages to the last paisa on at least an annual basis.
    
11. The Election Commission holds secret ballot elections for party leadership for each national party. Tickets for all elections are distributed by parties through democratic methods involving members at or below the said level in the organization.
    
12. The Election Commission puts in place ceilings as to election expenditures. Independent candidates may not raise money, but may spend their own money that may not exceed the amount of the party candidate spending the most money. Once elected independent candidates may not join a national party for at least one year.
13. A party may not charge its members more than Rs 36 a year.
    
14. Every person on the state's payroll - elected officials, bureaucrats, justices, police, army personnel - is to submit a Family Property Statement, to be posted online and archived and updated annually. Upon exiting the public sector, they may discontinue the practice, but the archives will remain, and the updates will resume should the individuals re-enter public service.
15. Details of all expenses incurred by the state, to the last paisa, are to be posted online in the three languages. All contracts offered by the state to the private sector are to be bid for in a similar transparent manner from beginning to the end. All job applications and promotions in the public sector are to be similarly handled in a transparent manner.
16. All formal political deliberations at all levels of government are to be posted online in as real time as possible in the language that was used at the venue. Efforts are to be made to make the same available in Nepali, Hindi and English. All votes are to be similarly made public. This is to start with the four parliaments at stage one.
    
17. Every elected official at all levels of government is to get a decent monthly salary.
18. Anyone above the age of 16 is a legible voter. Members of the Pratinidhi Sabha will have to be at least 23 years of age, and that of the Rajya Sabha at least 25 years of age. The terms of members of the two bodies shall last four and six years respectively. All elected officials are to have been citizens.
19. Acts of impeachment require a vote of 65%. This constitution can be amended by the same vote margin.
20. The parliamentarians may not increase their salaries in a way that might affect the members of the existing class. The same applies to the salaries of members of the cabinet.
21. The parliament may create, merge and dissolve ministries, agencies and commissions as necessary.
    

Article 2: The Executive Branch

1. The Prime Minister is directly elected by the people. If a candidate not earn 50% of the votes, a second round is to be held within a month of the first when the two top candidates contest. The Prime Minister serves a four year term.
   
2. A candidate has to be a citizen.
   
3. The Prime Minister may elect members to the Cabinet that might or might not be members of the parliament. But if a MP get into the cabinet, that parliamentary seat goes vacant.
   
4. The Prime Minister makes nominations to the Supreme Court and other constitutional bodies like the Election Commission (EC) and the Commission to Control Corruption (CCC) - both of which are autonomous - to be confirmed by a 60% vote in the parliament. The commissioners serve 6-year terms.
5. The army, to be called the Nepal Army, is not to be larger than 0.1% of the national population and is to be downsized accordingly within 5 years of this constitution getting promulgated. The Prime Minister is the Commander-In-Chief of the army.
6. The central bank is to be autonomous, and the governor, to serve a six-year term, is to be appointed by the Prime Minister, subject to a 60% vote in the parliament.
7. All appointments made by the Prime Minster, except for his or her personal staff, will need a majority vote in the parliament for confirmation, unless otherwise stated.
8. The Prime Minister signs bills passed by the parliament. The Prime Minister may also be the originator of bills to the parliament.
   
9. The Prime Minister may send back a bill passed by the parliament. But if the parliament send it back to him with a 60% vote, he has to sign it.
   
10. If the Prime Minister not respond to a bill within 10 days of it having been sent to him, it is to be assumed signed.
    

Article 3: The Judiciary Branch

1. The judiciary will reflect the composition of the government, from village/town to district, to state to the national level. Towns and cities with more than 25,000 people will be served with more than one court, the number to be decided through a formula by the state government. There will be a layer between the district and the state levels, the Appeals Court, 10 per state. The system is to be peopled like the civil service, on merit.
2. The Prime Minister makes nominations to the national Supreme Court. The Chief Minister makes nominations to the State Supreme Court. Both are subject to their respective parliaments for 60% of the vote. Justices to the Supreme Court are to serve to the age of 75 or upto their voluntary retirement.
3. The state and national Supreme Courts interpret the constitutionality of laws passed by the parliaments when thus challenged, but such interpretations may be overturned by the parliaments through a 65% vote.
4. The parliament, federal or state, may not diminish the salary of a sitting judge.
   

Article 4: The States

1. The current "zones" and "development regions" are to be abolished, but the "districts" are to be retained. The country is to be divided into three states, roughly of equal population, Eastern, Central, and Western, to be called Koshi, Gandaki, and Karnali, that are to include all three geographical regions, Terai, Pahad and Himal, and based on the three river basins. Each state is to have a Pratinidhi Sabha, 120 members, and a Rajya Sabha, 40 members.
2. The districts will have their own governments, forming a third layer, named Zillapalika. It is for each state to design the formation and functioning of its component district and town/city governments. The village units are to be called Grampalika, the town units are to be called Nagarpalika, and the city units Mahanagarpalika, and will form the fourth layer of government. District, town/city and village elected officials are to be at least 21 years of age.
3. The federal government will directly transfer 10% of its annual budget to the 25 poorest districts measured by per capita income. This does not prevent further federal expenditures on those districts.
4. The income tax structure is to be as follows: 50% federal, 30% state, 10% district, and 10% village/town/city. The income tax is to be collected by the federal government, and funds transferred by the same to the other levels of government as per this formula.
5. The federal revenue from all sources other than income tax is also to be similarly allocated. 50% stays at the federal level, the rest goes to the three states equally. Each state is also to send out 40% of its non income tax budget directly to the districts in direct proportion to the population of each district.
   
6. The education system shall follow a tri-lingual policy up to Class 10, beyond which it is for each individual institution to decide on their own as to the language of instruction. The first language is to be the student's first language, the second language is to be Nepali. For those for whom Nepali might be their first language, the student may choose any language spoken in Nepal. The third language is to be English, the contemporary language of science and commerce. This policy applies to schools in both the private and the public sectors. The language of instruction for all other subjects to Class 10 will be a decision to be made by the individual school boards for the public schools and by the owners of the private schools.
   

Article 5: President, Governors

1. Every elected official in the country is to vote for a President who is to serve a five-year term and is to be the guardian of the constitution. A block of at least 30% of the national parliament may make nominations for the candidacy. When there are more than two candidates, the one who gets the most votes wins.
2. Each state is to similarly elect a Governor.
   
3. The parliament may not diminish the salary of a sitting president or governor.

Article 6: The Individual

1. The individual is the most important component of the state and is to be protected and celebrated.
   
2. Every person has a birth right to freedom of speech, freedom of peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, a right to a speedy, public trial, and a right to privacy, a protection from unreasonable searches and seizures. No person may be tried and punished for the same crime twice. No person will be compelled to testify against themselves. No person will be deprived of life, liberty or propety without due process of law. Private property may not be taken for public use without due compensation. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended. No ex post facto law shall be passed. No warrants are to be issued, except upon probable cause, and should specifically describe the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. A person charged with a crime is to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his or her favor, and is to have the Assistance of Counsel for his or her defence.
3. Every person born in Nepal is a citizen of Nepal. But this does not prevent people not born in Nepal from seeking Nepali citizenship.
4. Every person is equal under the law. Any law that might conflict with that fundamental premise will become null and void as soon as this constitution takes effect.
5. No person shall be taxed more than 40% of their income by all levels of government put together. Those in the bottom 40% income brackets are not to pay any direct taxes.
6. No business may be taxed more than 30% of its income, and businesses in the bottom 30% income brackets will not pay any taxes. All business expenses are tax write-offs.
7. The sales tax may not exceed 10% and is to be collected by the state.
8. Elections at all levels are to be organized on Saturdays.
9. No citizen of age may be barred from voting for whatever reason.
10. It is a stated goal of the state to make possible lifelong education for every person in the country through creative partnerships between the private and public sectors, and through creative uses of the internet. The state shall also attempt to provide universal access to secondary education and primary health care, free of cost. The secondary education provision applies to people in all age groups.
    
11. The state shall attempt to provide universal access to micro-credit to all in the bottom 40% income brackets.
12. All persons that might enter into agreements, either in the private or the public sector, to access credit will have the option to declare bankruptcy as a last resort. Money owed by an individual, as opposed to by a business or a corporation, may not be passed on to the next generation. Indentured servitude is an illegal form of collecting money owed by an individual or family. Money owed may not be paid for through manual labor. Any person, group or organization, lending money on interest, the total of which is larger than Rs 20,000, to be indexed to inflation as calculated every five years and rounded to the nearest thousand, is to register as a small business owner, and will be subject to taxation and regulation.
13. All educational institutions, public and private, must have at least 10% of its students on need-based full scholarships. Institutions may also opt to have 5% on such full scholarships, and 10% on need-based half scholarships, or 5% on full, 6% on half, and 6% on one-third scholarships. But at no time should the proportion of full scholarships dip below 5%.
14. Employees of the state in the education and health sectors will be paid salaries that are at least 10% larger than to those with similar qualifications serving in other fields.
15. An accurate, scientific census is to be conducted every 10 years, and scientific projections are to be made for the intervening years.
    

Article 7: Capitals

1. The national capital is to be shifted from Kathmandu to the Chitwan valley within 10 years of this constitution getting promulgated.
   
2. Udaypur Valley, Chitwan Valley, and Surkhet Valley will respectively serve as the capitals for Kosi, Gandaki and Karnali.

Proposed Constitution (November 17)
Proposed Constitution (September 3)
Proposed Democratic Republican Constitution (August 12)
Janata Dal Constitution (August 8)
Proposed Constitution (June 18)
Reorganized UN, Proposed Constitution, Methods (May 30)
Proposed Constitution (May 3)
Shortcut To A New Constitution, Shortcut To Peace (April 8)
This Inadequate, Improper, Insufficient 1990 Constitution (April 4)

Phone Talk With Girija Koirala: Meeting History Itself

I got to talk to Girija Koirala earlier, not long back.

My first sentence to Bill Clinton was “Mr. President, you are Elvis.”

My first sentence to Girija Koirala was “To be able to talk to you feels like having entered a museum.” The entire time I was on the phone with him I kept thinking, this is the closest to BP Koirala I will ever get. BP Koirala has a place in Nepali history that no other political figures does, certainly no king. That is for sure. But Girija Koirala is more than BP Koirala’s brother. BP had more than one brother: none of them attained Girija’s stature, and there is a reason why.

Much is made of Girija never having gone to college, as in by US standards. Some of the legends in American business have been college dropouts: Bill Gates, Larry Ellison, Warren Buffett, Steve Jobs, to name a few. We call them borderline geniuses. Not that I am suggesting Girija is a genius, although at one point I wrote a satire comparing his House revival idea to Newton’s theory of gravitation, as in to suggest the House revival idea was holding everything down! (Newton, Apples, And Girija's House Revival Idea)

At some level Girija’s reach into his party the Nepali Congress might be even deeper than that of BP Koirala himself. BP was a visionary, an intellectual, a towering one on that. But he was not much of a nuts and bolts man. Politics is a contact sport. You have to deal with petty people. BP steered above that too much, too well. Also he was ahead of his times. So he did not get to enjoy power like he deserved to. BP is the biggest and the easiest reason I dislike Mahendra. Mahendra deprived Nepal of BP: that is his crime. If Nepal had been a democracy 1960 onwards, I think it would have emerged a small scale Asian tiger, economically speaking.

BP was unlucky in many ways. But there was one luck he had. BP once called Girija a “Hawaldar,” a police constable. In actuality, Girija was and is BP’s Hanuman. Girija’s devotion has been as much to the cause of democracy as to BP, and somewhere in there gets mixed the love of one brother for another. That is one powerful combination.

The Gandhi family in India did put decades into the fight for independence. But it also enjoyed almost four and more decades in power. The Koirala family, on the other hand, has largely been in the wilderness. And the founding father BP did not even get to taste it, not even one full term.

BP had a hard time coming to terms with Mahendra’s pettiness. You only have to compare Mahendra’s third grade poems to BP’s major novels to see the obvious difference between the two. A system that puts Mahendra onto the throne and throws BP into jail is so obviously wrong. It is not even worth debating. If BP would only have written his novels and done nothing else, he would still have found himself in the same class as people like Laxmi Prasad Devkota.

If Nepal ever gave birth to its proudest son, it was BP. Buddha and BP. What a ridiculous country that BP was mostly either in jail or in exile. Nepal turned BP into an orphan. Karna was disowned.

But Girija really is more than BP’s brother. Girija has been an organization man. He has this magical grip on his party. He generates this intense loyalty from his cadres. When you look at the 1990s, it is so obvious Girija outshined even when Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Sher Bahadur Deuba became Prime Minister. Girija let them. But his Mps always maintained this fierce loyalty to him: it was almost animal. This man knows organization like few others in Nepali politics do. Yes, Girija has been capable of the petty. You wish BP had been. Maybe we would have had to see less of Mahendra.

At my blog I have been very critical of Girija. But it has always been a policy difference, not a personal dislike. Though I am not a Nepali Congress person, I am a Sadbhavana person. Social justice means to me what democracy means to Girija. And post-democracy there is going to be a healthy competition between the Nepali Congress and the Sadbhavana.

But then there is the ANTA, Association of Nepali Teraian in America. When it got founded, I got invited to hold some kind of a central office. I declined. I have been instrumental in launching the New York City and Baltimore-DC chapters of the ANTA. But I have refused to hold any official title with them. ANTA is a social, cultural organization. It is not politically hard core enough for me.

But Girija is. He is hard core. I identify with him. It is like the bond one soccer player might feel for another. I do have that for Girija. I feel that affinity.

Girija Koirala is a player.

I have been trying to get hold of his phone number for a while now. I sent out emails to people who had it. They did not email it to me. Access is power. I did not take all that too personally. But then I got to talk to Amik Sherchan yesterday. And towards the end of the conversation he asked me for my contact info. After I learned he was not into email, I proceeded to give him my phone number. Then I casually said I did have the numbers of five of the seven leaders. I did not have the numbers for Gopal Man Shrestha and Girija Koirala. Will he please give them to me? I knew he had them. He gave them to me, two numbers for Girija Babu.

The first two calls I placed, one got me a busy tone, the other phone did not get picked. This evening the call went through. Someone else picked the phone, some male. No, it was not Sujata.

I paid him my respects, and then requested a few minutes of his time for the few questions I had.

He first gave me a brief synposis of where he felt the movement was. He said the movement was now spreading all across the country. It was in Kathmandu, but now it was also in the districts. The goal was to boycott the February 8 polls, he said.

I asked him why he insisted that the 1999 House be revived.

He said it is important to seek continuity through the 1990 constitution that was an agreement between the people and the king. This was important for the history of the Nepali Congress. If the 1990 constitution is ditched so unceremoniously, that is like wiping out the entire history of the Congress. He said the House revival idea important for his party’s identity and history.

“They tried to erase our history in 2017 B.S.”

Nepal’s history started with Prithvi Narayan Shah, he said. The 1990 constitution is an important element of that continuity.

I said he and his party were already for a constituent assembly. That is like saying you are for a new constitution for the country. Is that not so?

He said that is true, but it is possible to go towards that new constitution through the old constitution.

I said what if instead we were to have an interim government like that of Kisunji’s in 1990 that will take the country towards a new constitution.

“But Kisunji’s interim government had the powers of the executive, the legislative, as well as the judiciary. If the king will agree to that, then of course, sure.”

So you are saying if such an interim government were possible, you will let go the House revival stand?

“Yes,” he said.

Let’s say this king is a ridiculous, nonsense person, and instead of the king coming around to the interim government, it is given birth to by a revolution.

“If it be through a revolution, why only an interim government,” Girija Babu said. “If a revolution were to take the country to a republic itself, why would I have any problems with that?”

“Ganatantra aye awos!”

Then I thanked him for his time. I said you are a busy man, I do not wish to take too much of your time.

“Jaya Nepal,” he said, ever the dutiful, loyal Nepali Congress soldier.

“Jaya Nepal,” I said to a man who is history himself talking.

I could not believe my ears at the end of it all. Girija sounded more reasonable and nuanced and flexible on the House revival stand than many of the other leaders in the seven party coalition who pretend to have been bullied into it by Girija.

Girija is not being obstinate. He is being practical. He does not have the luxury to get too ahead of the movement itself.

This talk with Girija Koirala also opens up doors and windows for me. I am going to keep calling the top dogs in the seven party coalition. I want to be part of the conversation as they take their 12 point agreement to the next step.

The country needs a fundamental bipolarization. First the seven parties and the Maoists have to come up with a program that they are both fully behind, and feel comfortable with. And the Citizens Movement for Democracy and Peace (CMDP) has to come around to accepting the leadership of the seven parties, to the idea of joint programs. Of the four projects we in the diaspora are involved with, two are to do with the CMDP, and two are to do with the seven party coalition. The idea is to bring those two forces together.

One pole, the king. Another, the seven parties, the Maoists, and the CMDP.

The external work has already been done. The king is isolated globally. He is a persona non grata on the world stage. He can be isolated even further, if need be. The bipolarization will also isolate him inside the country. He is going to have to do business or get out of the way.

This is not about Girija Koirala or Madhav Kumar Nepal, although they are important and indispensable vehicles. This is about the 27 million people of Nepal. This is about democracy. The Nepali people are too good not to have it. Not even kings can get in the way, especially kings.

Girija Babu, my salutes to you. You are a soldier of democracy. Please let go the House revival stand in exchange for the Maoists letting go of their army totally before the country goes through a constituent assembly. Let’s move straight for an interim government. When the revolution enters its peak, we can get that interim government on our own, with or without the king coming along to the idea. Nothing and nobody can erase your personal history, or the personal history of your brother, the Mahamanav BP Koirala, and most certainly not the history of the Nepali Congress. Your party gets major credit for the 1990 constitution which was most definitely a democratic constitution, no doubts about that. But now is the time and opportunity for your party to reinvent itself and lay major claim also to the next constitution this country will have. If you do it right, perhaps your broken party will reunite, perhaps the smaller parties will merge into your party, and perhaps your party will emerge the largest party all over again.

Your party has laid claim to democracy. It perhaps can also lay claim to social justice.

But it all really starts with your letting go the House revival stand. Enough waiting. Time for the next step. Let’s move straight towards an interim government of the seven parties.

18, 7, 4, 12, 10

18 Point Agenda Of The Five Parties

1) Referendum.

2) Secularism.

3) Abrogation of the Raj Sabha Standing Committee.

4) Limiting royal title to king, queen and crown prince. Hierarchy of PM would jump up to 4th position, from current 13th.

5) Put an end to practice of constitutional monarch to enact laws as part of royal discretion.

6) Put functioning of Royal Palace under domain of Ministry of Royal Palace.

7) Publicising property owned by reigning monarch at regular intervals.

8) RNA will be put strictly under command of government.

9) Change national anthem, which will reflect pride, national unity and patriotism.

10) Parliament will be evolved along strong lines with huge powers.

11) Parliament will be deemed to be automatically revived just in case elections can't be held.

12) Drastic measures to bring about socio-economic transformation by suggesting, among others, dealing with Maoist insurgency.

13) Measures be taken to ameliorate lot of women, Dalits, members of ethnic communities and those who have contributed to task of nation-building.

14) Following non-aligned and UN friendly foreign policy. .

15) Decentralisation of governance.

16) Addressing issues linked with issuance of citizenship certificates.

17) Restructure National Assembly to broaden ethnic, caste and regional representation.

18) Make bureaucracy transparent and to effectively control corruption.

7 Point Program, January 6, 2004, King Gyanendra

1) National consensus

2) Peace and security

3) Corruption control

4) People-oriented administration

5) National solidarity

6) Free and fair election

7) An all-party government

Seven Party Coalition, 2005

(1) Revive House

(2) Form all party government

(3) Peace talks with Maoists

(4) Elections to a Constituent Assembly.


Prachanda Statement (12 Point Agreement Of the 7 Parties And The Maoists)

10 Point Agreement To Succeed 12 Point Agreement (My Proposal To The Eight Parties)

Follow The Money

Stephen Bezruchka sabez@u.washington.edu
King of Nepal's earnings proprtion compared to other country heads
Date: Mon, 12 Dec 2005 09:13:15 -0800 (PST)

When I was in Nepal, people were leaving Bajura because they were starving. But the royal family seems to be OK. Stephen

How much money does Nepali king earn?

Dear Nepali citizens and foreign lovers of Nepal, You might be wondering why Nepal is still poor when its countries of equal economic status has reached the sky with booming economic development. Let me try to answer - this is one of the reason, I have recently found.

Nepal is one of the poorest counries of the world but Nepal's king is the highest paid king of the world.

The income of Nepali king Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev is :
-2,426 times higher than that of Chinese president
-318 times higher than that of Indian president 301 times higher than that of Pakistani president
-173 times higher than that of Russian president
-57 times higher than that of French president
-15 times higher than that of British president 10 times higher than that of American president

-Netherlands queen's income : Rs. 22,32,00,000 (per capita income Rs 17,25,120 )
-American president earns Rs. 3,24,00,000 (1,15,20,000 returns in tax), (per capita income Rs 25,24,320)
-Japanese king earns Rs. 22,23,52,000 (per capita income Rs.24,15,600)
-Chinese president earns Rs. 1,35,000 (per capita income Rs 67,680)
-Indian president earns Rs. 10,11,000 (per capita income Rs 34,560)
-French president earns Rs 57,96,000 (per capita income Rs 15,84,000)
-Pakistani president earns (after the coup) Rs 10,94,000 (per capita income 29,520)
-British Queen does not get any salary from the state. She has a property of Rs 30,24,00,00,000 (the profit of investiment, after paying the tax, is hers) but even her neckless is the property of the country.
-British president earns Rs 2,19,58,000 (per capita income is Rs 18,16,200)
-Russian president earns Rs 19,03,000 (per capita income is Rs 1,54,000)
-Belgean king receives salary as a civil servant (per capita income is Rs 16,74,000)

And, Nepali king earns Rs 61,91,00,000 (per capita income is Rs 16,560=US$ 230) [This means the Nepali king earns Rs. 19,878 times higher than a citizen. Last year it was 37,385 times higher. Thus a citizen can earn as much as the king earns in a year only after working for 19,000 years or in 316 lives. Ho la!]

Appendix

Nepali royal family is involved in various business. A king does not have to pay tax according to Nepal's constitution. The present king has inherited the property of earlier king's family and nobody knows how much it is. This king has taken Rs 1,06,45,00,000 in past three years for his small family.

Courtsey: Surya Thapa, Mulyankan Monthly (Nov-Dec 2005) US dollar 1 = Rs 72 Nepal has a writing system of giving comma after two digits except the last.

REQUEST: PEASE PRINT THIS AND PASTE IT ON THE NOTICE BOARD OF YOUR OFFICE. THIS WILL GIVE ANSWER TO THE QUEST WHY NEPAL IS ALWAYS SO POOR. PLEASE CIRCULATE THIS PAGE TO YOUR FRIEND - YOU WILL NOT GET ANY FORTUNE BUT WILL CERTAINLY OPEN THEIR EYES.

Thanks,
Nepali Janata

In The News

Over 100 arrested in Kathmandu valley, dozens injured in clashes NepalNews The pain of Nagarkot in Nepali media Don’t play with fire Nepali Times .... The massacre at Nagarkot on Wednesday night drives home the point that continued militarisation can have unintended and tragic consequences. This was not just one drunken soldier running amok, it is symptomatic of a deeper malaise in a military-minded political class that believes everything can be resolved with force..... • How many other soldiers were with Sgt Basudeb Thapa when he returned to the temple with the assault rifle? • Why was he carrying a gun while in civvies? • Doesn’t the RNA have a policy on drunkenness of its soldiers while on furlough? • Not that this makes any difference now, but did Basudeb kill himself or was he shot by a fellow-soldier? • Why was he allowed to check out a gun at the barracks when everyone could see he was drunk? • Why was someone with a history of violence-prone drunkenness allowed to keep serving in the army? .... Given the frequency of such behaviour in the past, it is clear Nagarkot was just waiting to happen...... no commission will address the culture of arrogance, violence and hierarchical indiscipline that was tolerated and gave rise to such atrocities...... the militarisation that the country is going through ...... Once more, our myopic political parties frustrated by the lack of public support for their agitation are trying to make hay while the sun shines by trying to jumpstart their anti-king agitation...... This is nothing new, they have been known for political opportunism and irresponsible incitement while in power, they did it on 1 September when they unleashed Nepal’s first ever politically-coordinated communal pogrom. And now they are playing with fire again by unleashing terror on the streets that could easily turn ethnic.......
SC empowers women to sell their property at their own wish
Students, police clash in Nepal strike over killings Reuters AlertNet, UK
Strike over killings hits Nepal capital Aljazeera.net
Nepal parties call general strike against killings Stuff.co.nz
Nepal in ferment over massacre NewKerala.com
Killings spark violent anti-King demonstrations in Nepal Outlook (subscription), India
Nepal soldier kills 12, protest turns anti-King Indian Express, India
Nepal's Opposition Stages Emergency-Rule Protest in Kathmandu Bloomberg

20,000 And 100,000 And Clarity

On December 2 the UML held a rally in Baneshwar and 100,000 people or more showed up. Yesterday it was the seven party coalition at the same place with over 20,000 people.

Before that the UML managed to show 100,000 people in a place like Butwal. It was able to mobilize a few districts at once. The UML also had impressive shows in other places.

A few days after the UML rally on December 2, the Nepali Congress had a poor rally in Biratnagar, supposedly a bastion. The crowd size was more like 20,000. It was a much smaller crowd it showed in Bhaktapur.

What is going on? For one, the ground reality is that the Nepali Congress is no longer the largest party in the country after its vertical split.

But then if the UML can get 100,000 people, for the seven parties it should be 100,000 plus. But instead the numbers go down drastically. What's going on?

I think it has everything to do with a fundamental lack of clarity and coordination.

The UML has clarity. It has come out for a democratic republic.

But the seven party coalition has been held hostage by the Nepali Congress. That alliance is not even solidly behind a constituent assembly, let alone a democratic republic. Girija's plan is to revive the House and then revive the 1990 constitution. You don't need a revolution for that. If that be your goal, you are better off participating in the king's elections.

The Nepali Congress has a right to pick and choose its political stances. That is what democracy is. It can pick the leader it wants, it can pick its ideology, it can make its policy choices. But instead of secretly fantasizing about reviving the 1990 constitution, the Congress has the option to pick parts of the 1990 constitution it likes and then fight for those elements in the next constitution. A constituent assembly will allow that.

The seven party alliance does not have to come out for a democratic republic, but it does have to unequivocally come out for a constituent assembly. That it has not. Unless the House revival stance is ditched, the alliance's commitment to the constituent assembly is suspect.

That is not me preaching. That is what the people seem to be saying with their feet. Just look at the numbers.

The people are not afraid of the king, the army, the police or with Tulsi Giri. The people are not afraid. But they need a clarity of vision from the seven party alliance that has so far been missing.

An interim government under an interim constitution that will take the country to a constituent assembly is clarity of vision. The House revival idea is not. This is not a minor issue. This is the key issue. This is what is holding everything back. This is what made the king's misadventures possible. This has been the blunder of the decade.

The House revival idea does not excite people. That idea does not fire their imagination.

Autocracy is wrong, a communist republic would be wrong, but the 1990s were no heaven. The House revival idea is a promise to take the country to the past. The past was not that good. The people want to move towards the future, a bright future. A constituent assembly would be that bright future.

And the seven party alliance needs to have a permanent committee of seven individuals that meets at least once a week. No such thing exists. No wonder there tends to be little coordination.

But then there is a mirror image of the same among the diaspora Nepalis.

For the longest time the prevailing mood was that only moral support was to be extended. Organizations would labor to put out press statements. Those too would be few and far between.

Finally there was this shift of mood. Moral as well as logistical support was to be extended. That was nothing akin to the Maoists moving from a communist republic to a democratic republic. And I feel that more strongly more time that passes.

Then the next big achievement was to identify these five projects that we were going to work on, and we are working on.

I took that one step further. I said:

(1) Join one of the five projects, donate $100: Nepal 5, Nepal 1000.
(2) Critique the Proposed Constitution.

And the house collapsed. I got kicked out of the online forum: NDF Owner, Stop This Nonsense, Reinstate Immediately. I think I have some idea now how Baburam Bhattarai might have felt under "protective custody."

What offended people? People made no secret of the fact that I was looking like a leader, and they were offended. (Time For Madhesi Militancy Is Now)

I had been incorporating all suggestions that were being brought forth. I suggested raising money online and I created a webpage. There was this major hue and cry. I incorporated literally every single alternate idea that came along. Why? Money is good no matter how you raise it. All money raising ideas are good as long as money gets raised and book keeping is transparent, some at the level of all peoples, some only at the committee level.

People complained I seemed to be getting a lot of publicity and was looking like the leader. I suggested a cloud model of group dynamics, not because I am publicity shy, but because I concluded that would be the most efficient, effective way. Your "glow" in the galaxy is directly proportional to your activity level. And there was to be no barrier to entry at any level of involvement for anyone.

Level 1: You are committed to the democracy cause. (90%)
Level 2: You are for democracy, but the democracy movement is a spectator sport for you. You will watch, or you will watch and whine. (70%)
Level 3: You are for it, and you would like to actively contribute. (20%)
Level 4: Show up for your local Every Sunday 11 AM solidarity meeting. (5%)
Level 5: Donate $100, and then sit back and watch how that money goes into one of the 5 projects. (2%)
Level 6: Join one of the 5 teams. (0.1%)
Level 7: Become a Project Manager of one of the 5 teams. (0.01%)
Level 8: Be part of more than one project.
Level 9: Be part of all projects.
Level 10: Be part of all levels and all projects, and constantly be looking at the big picture.

I guess this would be put me at level 10. But that is still not a pyramid. Why? Because there is no barrier to entry for anyone at any level. Nothing prevents anyone else from also getting involved at Level 10. You will have access to the same news sources, the same discussions, the same data, the same numbers, many of the same people, many of the same phone numbers. The more the merrier. It truly is.

But then there are hitherto unnamed people who secretly believe they are the chairpersons of the whole thing. That would not be as offensive if they were actually putting in some work. But to them it is a status thing. Work or no work, they are at the top. And they don't even have names, many of them.

The work has been slightly disrupted, temporarily, but it has not been stopped.

I am going to keep working the underground to try and get me reinstated to the Nepal Democracy Forum. But I already have had people call me and suggest the comments sections of this very blog would be a better forum. For one, it would be open. I dig the idea, kind of. There are less than five active people at that forum in the first place. This blog has a much wider readership than that forum.

But I do want to be reinstated.

Another thing that came up is quite a few people at that forum are leery of attaching their names to the work being done. It is perfectly okay for them to work anonymously or to not work at all. But they go one step further: they stop the work! They get in the way! They will not do it themselves, and they will not let others do it. And these are people with sound democratic credentials. Speed of execution of plans is not an issue to some of these revolutionaries.

I believe I have given sound answers to every single criticism that got heaped my way. And if there are more, I would be more than happy to take them in the comments section right here. Criticisms on fundraising methods, criticisms on hiearchies within the movement work, I have dealt with them all. If you want to glow brighter than me, put in the hours. Don't begrudge that I am glowing. As far as I am concerned, publicity is the biggest chunk of the work. The more noise we make, the better for the freedom fighters in Nepal. So don't be complaining that we are partly succeeding.

And there is to be no compromise on free speech. It is weird that so many Nepalis with such advanced degrees from major American institutions do not get free speech. Free speech does not come with ifs and buts. I have heard some really weird excuses. "Oh, but we are family." "We are just a group of friends." "What you are saying is right, what is not right is the way you are saying it." "Such and such has such and such degree from such and such place." It is okay to say all those things and more, but it is not okay to say that or anything else and go ahead and curb free speech. If you disagree, you express your disagreement, you don't proceed to shut up the other person.

Maybe the seven party alliance and the diaspora Nepalis are not that different from each other.

Write A Thank You Email To Congressman Walsh

rep.james.walsh@mail.house.gov

Thank you for your support for Nepal

Congressman Walsh.

I just read in news your explicit support for the democracy loving people of Nepal. I also learned you did a Peace Corps stint in Nepal.

Please keep up your staunch support to the democracy movement, and please get others on Capitol Hill to join you in a big way. All your colleagues should make five minutes of time for Nepal. They can't afford not to. Spreading democracy is and always has been a security issue for America.

I thank you, Sir.

Paramendra Bhagat
Brooklyn, NY


I just sent this and I think you should too.


Let people decide what they want: US Congressman Nepalnews.com, Nepal Interacting with the journalists through video conferencing at the US Centre in Kathmandu on Thursday, Walsh said, “Let the people decide whether to adopt a new constitution or retain the existing one” ...... Expressing dissatisfaction over the king’s moves, Walsh further said, “We are deeply disappointed over his actions like attack on civil liberties, press freedoms and others,” adding, “The political consultation we provide to the king is to restore such rights.” ...... the congressman said that bringing Maoists to mainstream politics was urgent ...... restoration of civil liberties, works towards restoration of democratic process still are the US conditions for arms supply to Nepal...... Speaking on the occasion, Director for the South Asian Affairs at the US state Department, Steve J Blake, said that US has no problem with the idea of inviting foreign mediation in Nepal's peace process if the King and parties agree to do so....... questioned the credibility of proposed polls in the absence of broader public liberties and freedom to express their views.....
Nepalis should decide their destiny: US Congressman Kantipur Online
Walsh is known as money man here Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, NY After nearly 17 years in office, the genial Republican from Onondaga, Onondaga County, has become one of the most powerful money men in the House...... New York state Democrats acknowledge that Walsh — who won with 91 percent of the vote in 2004 and 72 percent in 2002 — will be tough to beat as he seeks a 10th term next year...... Democrats who work with Walsh on the Appropriations Committee said he is seen as bipartisan. "He puts the interests of veterans above partisan politics," said Rep. Chet Edwards, D-Texas, the senior Democrat on Walsh's subcommittee..... Walsh, a moderate, said he tries to avoid the ideological battles that divide many of his colleagues. The 58-year-old former social worker and Peace Corps volunteer spends his spare time on the Hill trying to promote democracy in Nepal and peace in Northern Ireland.... . "I don't particularly like to fight with people," Walsh said. "Maybe it comes from being a middle child and trying to get along with everybody."...... "I've learned that with enough patience and perseverance, you can usually get what you want." ...... US: Talks possible only if rebels give up arms Gorkhapatra, Nepal Congressman James Walsh (R), another speaker in the discussion on “Congress, US Foreign Policy and Nepal” organised by the American Center at the American Library this evening, said that the Maoist revolution in Nepal is a bad thing as there can be no private army in democracy, adding that dialogues with the Maoists would be possible only if they lay down their weapons..... Walsh was a Peace Corps volunteer from 1970-72 and visited Nepal many other times later and Blake served as a consular officer at the US Embassy in Kathmandu from 1994-1996...... he wanted to see a democratic and peaceful Nepal. “But we can’t force for that to happen.” ..... Blake suggested to first solve the current political problem that would give constitutional forces strength to deal with the Maoists......

Walsh, Jim - 25th District An avid sportsman who hunts, fishes, and skis on a regular basis, Mr. Walsh and his wife live in the Town of Onondaga, a suburb of Syracuse. They have three adult children, Jed, Ben and Maureen, and are parishioners of Most Holy Rosary Church. Mr. Walsh's father, William F. Walsh, served as Mayor of Syracuse from 1961-69, and as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Central New York and the Finger Lakes region from 1973-78.
Jim Walsh For US Congress
New York in the 109th Congress (1st Session)
Peace Corps Online | March 31, 2002 - US Congress: Biography of ...

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Nepal parties call general strike against killings Stuff.co.nz, New Zealand
Nepal's Opposition Stages Emergency-Rule Protest in KathmanduBloomberg
Thousands march in Nepal to protest killing of 11 civilians Outlook (subscription)
Nepal army fires on villagers MSNBC
Armymen shoot dead 13 civilians in central Nepal People's Daily Online, China
Monarchy fountainhead of all problems: political leaders Webindia123
Seven Party Show in New Baneshwor United We Blog, Nepal
Let people decide what they want: US Congressman Kathmandu Post, Nepal
Strike over civilian killings paralyses Kathmandu Reuters
Strike over civilian killings paralyses Kathmandu Khaleej Times, United Arab Emirates
Mandal launches book on Royal step Gorkhapatra, Nepal
SC allows daughters to sell property Gorkhapatra, Nepal

Protests

January 12 Janakpur, January 20 Kathmandu

Thousands attend 7-party Naya Baneshwor mass meet Kantipur .....The alliance today afternoon announced fresh protest programmes against the Feb.1 royal takeover. According to the new programmes, the parties will stage a joint protest demonstration in Janakpur on Jan.12, 2006. The parties will also organize a mass gathering in Kathmandu on Jan.20.

I get the impression the goal is not to bring the regime down before February. The goal is to disrupt the February 8 polls. Unlike some people in the diaspora, I accept the political leadership of the seven party coalition. I routinely express my disagreements and try to shape outcomes, but I do come around to the decisions they make because they are the ones at the forefront. They can claim to have a much better understanding of the ground realities.

I do think there is still a lot of lack of clarity in the 12 point agreement (10 Point Agreement To Succeed 12 Point Agreement) but it is hard work what they are doing. One has to look at the achivements made rather than the achievements still in the works. They are working under some very difficult circumstances.

My primary emphasis is on having a clear roadmap. Once the agenda is clear and sound, issues of leadership become less important. Once the alliance draws the clearest and shortest route to a constituent assembly, I will be much less particular as to who might lead the interim government. The leadership question is for the seven party alliance to decide. The rest of us can only make suggestions, and express agreements and disagreements.

Freedom of speech is sacrosanct. That is one big thing we are fighting for. There has to be respect for the same within the democracy movement itself. That is there at the level of the individual. But then there is also the issue of clarity and unity. There is the issue of effectiveness.

I have been very critical of Girija Koirala's House revival stand. I continue to be so. This is not a small issue. That single stand has been the root of much of the political mayhem of the past three years. And it is that stand that is preventing the movement from really taking off. And if he does not see that, he is not qualified to take the country through the tortuous route of a constituent assembly. It is a political skill issue. I think Girija Koirala is good at taking strong stands and sticking by them, come high or low. That works really well when you are fighting for the cause of democracy for decades. But that does not work too well when you are working within a democratic framework where the idea is to build coalitions and make sound compromises along the way. Girija Koirala's greatest strength is also his greatest weakness.

That is why I have suggested he be promoted and made the Supreme Leader of the movement, so that Madhav Nepal is the Prime Minister in waiting. The Nepali Congress on its part could have Ram Chandra Poudel for Deputy Prime Minister. I do think that clarity is needed.

The interim cabinet in waiting should be common knowledge.

Clarity is everything. There is a direct relationship between that clarity and the positive response of the masses.

But I don't intend to be preaching, only suggesting. I know it is hard work. There are people and groups in each party pulling in all sorts of directions. It is not easy to get all to come along in any one direction. But these leaders are trying and doing their very best. And they do have much progress to show for it.

The movement could have gone two ways. One would have been to bring this regime down by February. But both the parties and the Maoists seem to be talking in terms of disrupting the polls. To me that is like their saying they both want to do business with the king. They still want a constituent assembly, but they want to get there with the king coming along.

But then this king has exhibited quite some stubbornness. If he continues down that path, there is this buildup to a final confrontation. Or he could opt for the sensible option: King's Peace Overture To Maoists: Fake Or Real?

He could reciprocate the Maoist ceasefire, and he could hold talks with the other two forces.

In The News

Local fair turns into nightmare NepalNews
Oppn parties to protest Nagarkot killings on Friday; NHRC starts probe
13 killed, 19 injured in Nagarkot incident
Tens of thousands join seven-party protest in Kathmandu
Govt forms high-level probe team over Nagarkot incident
Gap between political parties and constitutional monarch widening: Rana
Thousands attend 7-party Naya Baneshwor mass meet Kantipur
Killings condemned, protestors clash with police
Compensation to families of Nagarkot victims
INSEC urges China, India, US not to supply arms

King's Peace Overture To Maoists: Fake Or Real?

Nepal king appoints team for talks with Maoists Times of India, India Headed by the king's deputy Kirti Nidhi Bista, vice chairman of the council of ministers, the team also includes two new ministers ..... Home Minister Kamal Thapa and Land Reforms and Management Minister Narayan Singh Pun ..... A day after his appointment, Pun said in his maiden press conference that he would personally take an initiative to start peace parleys. .... Pun, a former colonel of the Royal Nepalese Army, had played an important role in 2003 when he single-handedly brought the insurgents to the table for talks. .... Gyanendra had been hoping to receive an invitation to visit New Delhi from Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran...... But after Saran did not convey any such message from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the king formed the talks team as a second line of strategy..... the new talks team was formed not so much to bring peace to violence-torn Nepal but to create misunderstanding between the Maoists and the opposition parties..... With the Maoists having vowed to disrupt the polls and the opposition parties having begun a campaign asking people to abstain from voting, the king could be looking at new strategies.
Nepal king appoints team for talks with Maoists Hindustan Times, India

These two news items in the Indian media caught my attention. Curiously this has not been covered in the Nepali media. How come? If this is valid news, as I have reason to believe it is, I do take it positively, though with reservations.

If the king is serious about peace, he needs to do two things immediately.

1. He needs to reciprocate the Maoist ceasefire immediately.
2. He needs to accept the concept of a constituent assembly.
   

Just like the Maoists can not pull a Lenin in Nepal, it is not possible for the king to break the newfound Democrat-Maoist alliance. And if he is trying, he is starting with the wrong partner of the alliance. The Maoists are much less likely to respond to any royal overture than the seven parties.

I doubt the Maoists will respond unless the conditions like in Pun's 2003 are recreated. That would be the first step. If the peace talks offers be unconditional, I am sure the Maoists will respond. Why? Because it is their idea to hold a roundtable conference of all three forces. So if they can start with two of them, they will have the option to expand it and invite the third force, the seven party coalition.

I am cautiously optimistic. I commend the king for this move.

Only a day or two before Kamal Thapa made news by suggesting a major happening is in the works. This might be it.

Pun has some credibility on this count. Within the parameters available to him, he did some important work in 2003, though ultimately fruitless. It is possible Pun might have been in touch with the Maoists even before he joined the cabinet a few days ago. His abduction into the cabinet might have been with the express intent to open up a channel with the Maoists.

The two things I have suggested the king do, why would he do that? One, he has no choice. Two, it really is in his best interests. Three, there are no other outlets for the country.

You can not have peace talks if you are still officially at war.

As for constituent assembly, it is a vague, elaborate term, it can have many shapes. Just look at some of the options.

1. A constituent assembly that guarantees a ceremonial monarchy, the guarantee resting with the Supreme Court even before elections to that assembly are held. The army would be detached from the monarchy.
   
2. A constituent assembly where the monarchy is an open question.
   
3. A constituent assembly that takes shape only after the monarchy has been abolished. So the assembly does not even debate the issue. The assembly functions within a republican framework.
   

Those are only three of the options. There are more. And all of them would qualify for a constituent assembly. If I were the king, I would come around to the idea of a constituent assembly, and push for the first option. He might not get it, that is another thing. It would be for the political parties and the Maoists to come around to it. But then, they just might.

The king's second best option would be to shoot for an all party government that also includes all the royalist parties, and then go for an assembly. He might win the vote.

It is my analysis though that the parties and the Maoists will be okay with the first option if they can have the rest.

And there is no clash. The king has time and again said he is not for an absolute monarchy, that this is the 21st century, and so the monarchy has to be for democracy. If he is honest on that, the first option is precisely what he would seek, I would think. He does not lose with the first option. He gets what he wants. And the other two forces also get what they want. Peace is back. Democracy is back. The Maoists disarm. Everyone ends up happy.

That is why the roundtable conference is so important.

On 2/1 he asked for three years maximum, as in if he can return the country to normalcy in less than three years, he would do so. This is his opportunity to take less than three years.

If, on the other hand, he keeps moving towards the February 8 polls like a rhino, I see the possibility of the Maoists perhaps breaking away from the seven parties in trying to violently disrupt the polls. That would be tragic. A whole new scenario would emerge.

A party like the Maoists are can not afford to take too many U turns. They already have taken a major U turn. They should not be asked to take a second one.

Kamal Thapa, by the way, looks like Suresh Oberoi, have you noticed?

Personally I have a lot of faith in Narayan Singh Pun to pull this off. If he failed in 2003, it was because the talks back then were not unconditional. The parameters he was functioning in were flawed. It was not lack of skills on his part that brought the talks down. The king should provide the parameters this time, and Pun should get down to work.

In The News

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Govt returns Radio Sagarmatha equipment
'Political breakthrough a must for lasting peace'
AIN calls for long-term ceasefire
No change in Indian stance: Saran
SC says no to petition against polls

The King In Dhaka, Tunis

Dhaka

It is a stark reality that our region has been mired in terrorism, drug trafficking, human trafficking and environmental catastrophes as well as unbridled spread of pestilent diseases like HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis. As these problems are transcendental in nature, we have the daunting challenge to address them mutually by enhancing coordination among us.

Poverty remains the most daunting challenge to our collective wisdom. Our past efforts have certainly helped reduce its intensity. Yet, we have to traverse a long way before this social evil is completely eliminated.

Success is a matter not so much of talent or opportunity as of concentration and perseverance, where commitments are matched by actions.

Programmes and activities of regional cooperation must contain poverty reduction elements.

As trade has direct consequences for poverty reduction efforts, we must take adequate measures to ensure that poverty reduction becomes the outcome of a free trade regime.

If he is so concerned about poverty, he should have at least some sympathy for Maoists who are willing to die for their dream of classlessness. He should be able to see at least some common ground. Instead he blatantly dismisses them as "terrorists." I have always been critical of their violence, but I have also made room for them to change for the better. The king has not. His priority has been power for himself, not poverty reduction.

SAFTA should serve as a forerunner of a more ambitious and deeper economic integration to eventually realize the goal of a South Asian Economic Union. We believe that the signing of the four agreements on Promotion and Protection of Investments, Mutual Administrative Assistance in Customs Matters, SAARC International Commercial Arbitration Centre and Avoidance of Double Taxation will further strengthen the SAFTA regime with a positive bearing on the growth of intra-regional trade and investment.

It has become imperative that we introduce and carry out parallel processes of economic integration and infrastructure development. Infrastructure development will obviously require huge investments.

Our offer that Nepal serve as a transit point between India and China, the two largest emerging markets in the world, has been born out of our deep conviction that, in an era characterized by heightened competition to capture world markets and capital, increased trade and economic interaction between the two up-and-coming economic zones, facilitated by transportation and communication links, would provide a level playing field for both our neighbours to reap benefits of a promising global economic order.

We are convinced that with our collective efforts and coordinated positions, the process of globalization can be turned into a force of growth and development in South Asia. Globalization in itself is not right or wrong; the impacts it creates on our way of life should be carefully analyzed. We do not want globalization to upset our harmonious social balance and crumble our rich traditions and cultures.

An inclusive global information society must be our goal and we must firmly and collectively reject digital domination that seeks to make the rich richer and the poor poorer.

I like these segments of his speech where he talks of matters economic.

Terrorism has emerged as a serious threat to international peace, security, stability and democracy. The growing menace of terrorism, both at home and abroad, concerns us all. Terrorism has metamorphosed our world. My country has been the victim of senseless terrorism for nearly a decade now. The agents of terror are bent on overthrowing a constitutional order and replacing it with a rejected ideology of a one-party communist dictatorship.

This is misleading of him to say this. For one, monarchy as a political ideology is even more archaic than Maoism. On the other hand he knowingly refuses to acknowledge the ideological leap of the Maoists to move from the goal of a communist republic to a democratic republic. These Maoists in Nepal are willing to shift to a multi-party framework. It is the king who is not accepting of that framework.

We would like to emphasize that, as terrorism knows no geographical boundary, terrorism in Nepal is certain to affect the whole of South Asia. Nepal condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, committed by whomever, whatsoever and for whatever reasons. We expect a similar attitude on the part of the international community. South Asia must send a clear message that violence cannot be an instrument to further political objectives.

The February First step in Nepal was necessitated by ground realities, mainly the failure of successive governments to contain ever-emboldening terrorists and maintain law and order. It has not come at the cost of democracy, as some tend to project it. We remind the international community of the pre-February First situation in Nepal. Our friends and well-wishers were warning us of the danger of Nepal turning into a failed state.

Some guy by the name of George W. invented the term War On Terror. But the king is teaching Marxism to none other than Karl Marx himself, although knowing what I do know about George W. I would not equate W. with Marx or any thinker in any ideological camp. My point being your experiment has been one in dictatorship, not one in any War On Terror.

The terrorism card will not work. You have been watching too much television. The corruption card will work, but it will work against the palace and the army.

There is no place today in the Kingdom where security personnel cannot go at will.

Is that why Nepal is number one in terms of human rights abuses in the world?

We believe that there cannot be a meaningful exercise in democracy without elections. We have also asked those who have been misguided to renounce violence and to take part in a competitive democratic political process.

That is why we are for elections to a constituent assembly. Musharrafism has no place in Nepal. For that matter, it has no place in Pakistan either.

It is ironical to note that the global war on terrorism is not matched by global action against it. The global war on terrorism has failed to reach every nook and corner of the world, especially in weak and vulnerable countries, as if they do not deserve justice and protection from terrorism. It is this double standard and selective approach that is assuming a dangerous character rather than terrorism itself. We cannot make a distinction between good and bad terrorism; terrorism is terrorism. In our region, the Declaration of the 11th SAARC Summit held in Kathmandu categorically stated that “terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, is a challenge to all states and to all of humanity, and cannot be justified on ideological, political, religious or any other ground”. We agreed that “terrorism violates the fundamental values of the United Nations and the SAARC Charter and constitutes one of the most serious threats to international peace and security in the Twenty-first century”. Nepal has ratified the SAARC Convention on Suppression of Terrorism and its Additional Protocol with the belief that these instruments provide an effective tool to counter terrorism in the region. We call upon the SAARC member states to forge a strong partnership to eliminate terrorism from the region as well as spearhead a coordinated and earnest action against it.

I consider myself a minor authority on racism. I really like your bringing this up. If the US and Europe speaking for democracy is racism, where does that put India? Are Indians also racists? Where does that put the Nepali diaspora? Is that crowd also racist? I admire your guts to take on the big powers, but your claims are highly misplaced. The struggle for democracy in Nepal is not about those foreign powers. It is about the 27 million people in Nepal.

In order to promote people-to-people contacts on a larger scale, we must think of a visa-free regime in South Asia along with a free trade regime.

Free and frank exchange of views among the leaders in an environment characterized by a greater degree of informality will help further promote trust and understanding.

I wish he had the same attitude about the leaders of the seven party coalition. He does not even recognize their existence.

This Dhaka speech is a little more revealing than the Tunis speech for its political content. And there are parts of the speech that are praiseworthy, greatly so, most of them to do with the regional economy. That might suggest King Gyanendra is a smart individual. But that might as well be a strong case for a republican setup rather than a monarchical one. In a republican electoral fray, smart individuals like him and Baburam Bhattarai get to compete, and let the people decide as to who is more capable to lead.

My Proposed Constitution can also be read as a proposal to reinvent the monarchy itself. On the other hand, if the king continue his intransigence, the document has a clear republican framework. We are not willing to wait forever.

Tunis

Nepal is committed to the Geneva Declarations of Principles. We believe that the Internet, which has become omnipresent in our lives, can be truly beneficial to humankind if a multi-stakeholder participation, which is inclusive and transparent, can be developed. The international community needs to give special attention to the needs of the developing, land-locked and mountainous countries which face problems of promoting the use of ICTs due to high infrastructure costs.

The State's efforts have been further augmented with the establishment of an autonomous High Level Commission for Information Technology to enhance internal and external private investment and to stimulate new economic sectors like e-commerce. It is a matter of satisfaction that this has resulted in an ever-growing mutually beneficial partnership between the government and the private sector in the field of information technology.


The king did not say anything significant in Tunis. He merely offered a bunch of platitudes. There is no overarching policy intiative or technological breakthrough to be discerned here. It is not informative either to the political developments in Nepal, it not being a political speech.

He talks of infrastructure. He needs to understand 12 years of half-baked democracy did more for infrastructure in Nepal than more than 230 years of monarchy. That is not a statement on particular actors within that democracy, but on the ideal of democracy itself. That applies also to information technology.

When the king took over on 2/1, his first instinct was to cut off access to the internet from the country. That person is not a friend of information technology.

The internet is about opening boudaries and minds and societies. It is about interactive exposure. The king shut it off.

On the other hand, I could not imagine this democratic revolution without the internet. It is because of the internet that you can do almost everything except show up in the streets in Kathamandu when you are far away in New York City.

The king with his outdated politics is not helping the spread of the internet in Nepal. He is in the way.

It is only through the internet that a country like Nepal can hope to bridge the gap between itself and the richest countries. The internet is that fundamental.

When Nepal finally comes around to adopting my Proposed Constitution, it will have adopted the first constitution in the world that has the word internet in it. It will be the first information age constitution for any country.

Podcast

December 13, 2005 (15 minutes) My participation at the Nepal Democracy Forum online has made me much more understanding of and patient with the leaders of the seven party coalition in Kathmandu. The group made an important leap from the idea of moral support only to the idea of moral as well as logistical support. Then five specific projects were identified. There are people working on each. But the speed is so slow. Taking two weeks to compose a one page letter is not revolutionary work. Ego, ethnic prejudice, jealousy and primitive group dynamics come into play and slow down efforts.

Time For Madhesi Militancy Is Now

Militancy, as in non-violent militancy. A militancy where you use words like they were bullets.

It is about using the reverse psychology on the Bahuns.

Bahuns are less than 10% of Nepal's population, more like 5, but they have managed to keep every other group off balance. How? They attack at the level of the collective identity, and keep every other group off balance. The Bahun democrats have a long way to go.

Democracy without social justice can not be imagined. And the time to see that and say that is now. You can not wait for later. Later when? After the Bahuns have managed to scuttle federalism? Is that when? No, the time is now. The right wing in power wishes to deny us democracy, the Bahuns wish to turn that democracy into a joke, not into social justice. The game is very much on.

How do you go about it? The Madhesi presence wherever there is Madhesi-Pahandi interaction tends to be along the 95-5 lines. That is true also in America.

That 5 has to learn to speak for the missing 45. That is where the non-violent militancy comes in.

The Madhesi-Pahadi divide is the fundamental issue of social justice in Nepal. Madhesi Dalits are discriminiated against, Madhesi women are discriminated against. The hill Janajatis often are very much part of that Pahadi superstructure.

The Dalit-Madhesi-Janajati-Mahila mantra comes second.

First and foremost is the Madhesi-Pahadi dynamic. The anti-Madhesi prejudice and hostility is front and center. This country is not going anywhere without resolving this fundamental knot.

The solutions are so very obvious, but the Bahuns are in the way.

But the political aspects are for later, in the political rings. The social aspects are immediate.

The mental slavery has to go.

The pride has to be active.

The renunciation of Pahadi prejudice has to be total, vocal, immediate. And the effort has to start in the diaspora where the Madhesis do not depend on the Pahadis for career advancement. If not here, where? If not you, who? If not now, when?

Taking the country to a constituent assembly, and attaining total political equality for the Madhesis through that constituent assembly is the only way. There is no other way. The time is now. Very much now.

If the Madhesis miss this boat now, the Madhesis are passing the workload onto the next generation. That is irresponsible. That is unnecessary. The time is now.

Act. Reach out. Bond. Contribute. If you have not been political before, become so now. Donate. Become part of the conversation. Call people. Talk. Ask questions. Seek answers.

It is so easy to do.

This revolution does not ask for your blood. This is a revolution that will reinvent non-violence itself. But this is a revolution that does ask that you stand up and speak up.

This is not a quest to seek vengeance, but to seek justice uncompromisingly. There is no half there. Ye aar ki paar ki ladai hai.

We have to become a loud voice inside the movement now. Or the movement will slow down. Even if it reaches its zenith, it will cheat us like every revolution in Nepal before.

I am not the ultimate authority, I am just one voice, and there must be other suggestions. But I think there are two things that can be done concretely. Pride is important, but not enough. Ultimately there has to be concrete action.

(1) Join one of the five projects, donate $100: Nepal 5, Nepal 1000.
(2) Critique the Proposed Constitution.

The iron is hot. The time to strike is now. The mud is wet. The time to shape it is now. Tomorrow will be too late. So reach out from wherever you are.

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