MLK's Reply To Rajesh Ahiraj

मधेस आन्दोलन : एउटा विभेदको अन्त्य कि अर्को विभेदको सुरुवात ?

०६३ को परिवर्तनपछि मधेसकेन्द्रित पार्टीहरूबाटै ठगिए । पहिलो मधेस आन्दोलनमा ५४ जनाले सहादत दिएपछि मधेसकेन्द्रित पार्टीहरूले ५६ वटा मन्त्रालय त पाए, तर मधेसी जनताको माग पूरा गर्ने वा उनीहरूलाई गर्व गर्न सक्ने कुनै पनि काम गर्न सकेनन् । अर्थात्, सधैँ मधेसी जनताको मागलाई थाती राख्दै त्यसैमा टेकेर सिंहदरबारसँग नजिक रहने मात्र उद्देश्य मधेसी नेताहरूले राखे । यसले गर्दा मधेसी जनता थप दमन र विभेदमा परे । ..... अंगीकृत नागरिकताले राज्यको प्रमुख अंगमा प्रतिनिधित्व गर्न पाउनुपर्छ, वा तीनवटा जिल्ला (सुनसरी, मोरङ र झापा) प्रदेश नम्बर २ मा मिलाइदेऊ भन्ने माग मधेसी जनताको होइन । क्षेत्र बढ्दैमा घट्दैमा केही हुने होइन, तर मधेसी नेतृत्वले पदीय संरचनाहरू बढाउनका लागि यस्तो माग अघि सारेका छन् । मधेसी मोर्चाले जतिवटा जिल्ला पाएका छन्, त्यही जिल्लामा सुशासन कायम गरेर र विकास गरेर देखाउन सक्नुपर्छ । प्रदेश नम्बर २ लाई नेपालका अन्य प्रदेशको तुलनामा उत्कृष्ट प्रदेश बनाउने हो भने अन्य प्रदेशका नागरिकहरू स्वतः प्रदेश नम्बर २ मा आउनका लागि आकर्षित र आन्दोलित हुनेछन् ...... मधेसी मोर्चाका नेतालाई उनीहरूको वास्तविक शक्ति कति छ भनेर थाहा छ । त्यही भएर उनीहरू अहिले द्वन्द्वलाई लम्बाएर मधेसमा अझै धेरै लासको संख्या बढाएर र अलगावको भावनालाई बढाएर अर्को चुनावमा बढी मत ल्याउने रणनीतिमा रहेको देखिन्छ ।

मधेसमा द्वन्द्व लम्बाएर भारत र चीनबाहेकका शक्तिलाई मधेसमा स्थान दिन खोजिएको पनि हुन सक्छ । त्यस्तै देशलाई अशान्त र आक्रान्त राखेर अहिलेको व्यवस्थाभन्दा पहिलेकै व्यवस्था ठीक भन्ने भावना बढाउन यस्तो गरिएको हुन सक्छ ।

...... मधेसकेन्द्रित ब्यानरभित्र पहिलो समर्पणवादी, दोस्रो संशोधनवादी र तेस्रो अलगाववादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्व रहेको छ । समर्पणवादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्व जुनसुकै उद्देश्यका साथ भए पनि सरकारमा नै बसिरहन चाहन्छ, चाहे त्यो मधेसमाथि दमन गरेर होस् या आफ्नै सरकारलाई ज्ञापनपत्र बुझाएर होस् । अर्को संशोधनवादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्व छ, जो पटकपटक सम्झौता गर्छ, सरकारमा जान्छ र पछि आफूले नै गरेको सम्झौता बिर्सन्छ । तर, जनतालाई भने राज्यले गरेको सम्झौता सम्झाइराख्छ । यहाँ के बुझ्न जरुरी छ भने, हालसम्म दुई थरीका सम्झौता भएका छन्, एउटा सरकारले मधेसी नेताहरूसँग गरेको र अर्को मधेसी नेताले पहाडी नेताहरूसँग गरेको । उदाहरणका लागि संयुक्त लोकतान्त्रिक मोर्चा एमाओवादी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डसँग सम्झौता गरेर सरकारमा गयो । पछि त्यस्तै सम्झौता मोर्चाका दलहरूले एमालेका नेता माधव नेपाल र झलनाथ खनालसँग गर्यो र अन्तिममा डा. बाबुराम भट्टराईसँग गर्यो । ती नेताहरूसँग गरेको सम्झौता मोर्चाका नेतालाई याद छैन, उहाँहरूलाई याद छ त केवल राज्यसँग गरेको आठबुँदे र २२ बुँदे सम्झौता । यस्ता संशोधनवादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको अन्तिम उद्देश्य पनि सत्ता हुन्छ । त्यसैगरी अलगाबवादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्व यो राज्यमा मधेसी जनताले आफ्नो अधिकार पाउन सक्दैनन् र सधैँ बलिदानी मात्र दिइराख्नुपर्छ भन्ने ठान्छन् र पृथकधारबाट अघि बढ्न खोज्छन् । यसमा पनि एउटा सशस्त्र रूपमा र अर्को हतियारबिना अघि बढिरहेको छ । गोइतलगायतहरू सशस्त्र संघर्ष गर्दै छन् भने सिके राउतहरू वैचारिक संघर्ष अघि बढाउँदै छन् । .......

चौथो राजनीतिक नेतृत्व भनेको प्रयोगवादी रहेको छ, जसमा कांग्रेस, एमाले, माओवादी, राप्रपा आदि दलहरू पर्छन् । उनीहरू निर्वाचनमा मतका लागि मधेसी जनतालाई प्रयोग गर्छन् । एक दिनका लागि मधेसी जनताको घर दैलो चहार्छन्, नेपाली बनाउँछन् र जब चुनाव जितेर जान्छन्, उनीहरूका लागि मधेसी जनताको मुद्दा सरोकारको विषय हुँदैन । यी प्रयोगवादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको बुझाइमा मधेसको समस्या मधेसी दलको समस्या हो ।

....... दोस्रो संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनलाई नै हेर्ने हो भने मधेसका २२ जिल्लाका एक सय २३ सिटमध्ये ५५ स्थानमा नेपाली कांग्रेसले, ४० मा नेकपा एमालेले, १२ मा माओवादीले र सबै मधेसकेन्द्रित दलहरू मिलेर १२ स्थानमा चुनाव जितेका छन् । जसले मधेसबाट सबैभन्दा बढी मत ल्यायो, त्यो पार्टी मधेसप्रति सबैभन्दा बढी जिम्मेवार हुनपर्ने होइन र ? तर, मधेसका जनता मारिँदा, मधेसका जनता अप्ठेरोमा पर्दा कांग्रेस, एमाले, माओवादीलाई कुनै सरोकार हुँदैन । यसले यिनीहरूको मधेसी जनतासँगको सम्बन्ध मतसम्म मात्र सीमित रहेछ भन्ने प्रस्ट हुन्छ । ........ संविधानको दस्तावेजमा लेखिएको कुरा पनि उनीहरूलाई विश्वास गर्न गाह्रो भइरहेको छ । किनभने, मधेसी जनताको राज्यमाथि विश्वास हराउँदै गएको छ । ...... मधेसी नेतृत्व आफ्नो उद्देश्य र रणनीतिबारे स्पष्ट नै छैनन् । अहिले मोर्चाले गरेकोजस्तै सीमा अवरोध पहिले राजाहरूको पालामा हुन्थ्यो, जहाँ एउटा राजाले अर्को राजासँग युद्ध गर्दा पानीको मुहानसम्म बन्द गर्थे । ताकि त्यहाँका नागरिक पानीसम्म खान नपाएर मरोस् र राजा बाध्य भएर झुक्न बाध्य होस् । मधेसमा अहिले त्यही भइरहेको छ, त्यो आन्दोलन नभएर अघोषित युद्ध हो । यहाँ पहाडे र मधेसी समुदाय दुवैसँग नेपालका नेताहरूले युद्ध गरिरहेका छन् । ......... ०६२/६३ पछि मधेसी नेतृत्वको उद्देश्य र कार्यशैली तीनवटा कुरामा टिकेको देखियो— पैसा, पावर र परिवार । मधेसी जनताले पहिलो संविधानसभामा मधेसी नेतृत्वलाई मत दिए, तर त्यो मत श्रीमती, छोराछोरी र आफन्तको नाममा खर्च गरियो । त्यही भएर दोस्रो संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनसम्म पुग्दा मधेसी जनताले मधेसी नेतृत्वलाई नपत्याएकै हो ।

५२ वटा सिट जितेको मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम एकाएक प्रत्यक्षमा दुई सिटमा झर्यो

, सद्भावनाजस्तो पुरानो पार्टीले पनि जम्मा दुई सिट ल्यायो । .......... अझै पनि काठमाडौंमा रहेका मधेसी दल केही पार्टी र दूतावासको ढोकाभन्दा बाहिर आउन सकेका छैनन् । यदि उनीहरूले सीमानाका बन्द गर्न आह्वान गरेका हुन् भने उनीहरू विभिन्न नाकामा गएर किन बस्दैनन् ? उनीहरू त केवल सेल्फी खिचाउनका लागि नाका पुग्छन् । तस्बिर खिच्छन्, समाजिक सञ्जालमा हाल्छन्, त्यही कुरा समाचारमा दिन्छन् र हिँडिहाल्छन् । पूरै मधेस हाम्रो हो भन्ने नेताहरू वीरगन्जबाहेकका नाकामा किन छैनन् ? २० वटा दलहरू छन्, मोर्चाभित्रै चारवटा पार्टीहरू छन् ।

किन एक–एकजना अध्यक्ष चारवटा नाकामा बस्दैनन् ?

अधिकांश मधेसी नेताका परिवार काठमाडौंमा छन्, त्यही भएर उनीहरूलाई मधेसमा स्कुल बन्द हुँदा, अस्पतालमा औषधि सकिँदा, यातायात बन्द हुँदा केही असर गर्दैन । मधेसी नेता जनताका साथमा छैनन्, जनताको मुद्दासँग छैनन्, संघर्षसँग छैनन् । सत्तामा नपुगुन्जेल मात्र हो, नत्र मधेसी नेतृत्व सत्तामा पुग्नेबित्तिकै मधेसको माटोलाई चटक्कै बिर्सन्छन् । बोलीमा मधेसको कुरा गरे पनि यिनीहरूको कार्यशैली मधेसमुखी छैनन् । त्यही भएर मधेसका जनतालाई अझै यो नेतृत्वप्रति विश्वास छैन । ........

यहाँ मधेसको शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, यातायात बन्द गरेर मधेसकै जनताको जनजीवन नर्क बनाउने काम भइरहेको छ, इन्धन अवरुद्ध गरेर पहाडी/मधेसी दुवै समुदायको जनजीवन नर्क बनाउने काम भइरहेको छ ।

...... ०६४ सालमा राज्यले गरेको आठ बुँदे र २२ बुँदे नमानेको कारण मधेसी नेतृत्व आन्दोलनमा होमिएका हुन् भने उनीहरूले ०६५ सालमा नै सरकार छाडिदिनुपथ्र्यो । तर, उहाँहरूले कहिले पनि सत्ता छाड्नुभएन । कुनै न कुनै मधेसी पार्टी सत्तामा रहँदै आइरहेको छ । राज्यसँग जे–जति सम्झौताहरू गरेका छन्, त्यो पूरा गराउने हरेक मन्त्रालय मधेसी नेताहरूले पाएका छन् । राज्य भनेको अर्मूत हुँदैन । राज्य भनेको सरकार हो, सरकारमा रहेका मन्त्रीहरू हुन्, राज्यका विभिन्न निकायमा रहेका व्यक्तिहरू हुन् । आफैँ राज्यको अंग बनेर सरकारमा रहँदा केही नगर्ने अनि राज्यले विभेद गर्यो भन्ने मिल्छ ? जस्तो, राज्यले मधेसमा सडक विस्तार गरेन भन्ने तर आफैं भौतिक योजनामन्त्री हुँदा किन काम गरिएन ? मधेसमा शिक्षा छैन भन्नेहरू आफैं शिक्षामन्त्री हुँदा किन केही काम गरेनन् ? ........ अहिले आठबुँदे र २२ बुँदे सम्झौताको मात्र कुरा हुन्छ । सम्झौताकै कुरा गर्ने हो भने ०५० पुस ५ गते श्री ५ को सरकार र सद्भावना पार्टीबीच चारबुँदे सम्झौता भएको छ । ०५५ कात्तिक २६ गते श्री ५ को सरकार र सद्भावना पार्टीबीच तीनबुँदे सम्झौता भएको छ । मन्त्री भएर पनि ती सम्झौता लागू गराउन नसक्ने हो भने त्यतिबेला नै सत्ता छाड्न सक्नुपथ्र्यो । उहाँहरूले न सम्झौता लागू गर्नुभयो, न त सत्ता नै छाड्नु भयो । तर, यहाँ केसम्म गरियो भने, नेपाली सेना मधेसी समुदायको सामूहिक प्रवेश गराउने गरी सम्झौताअनुरूप तत्कालीन रक्षामन्त्री शरतसिंह भण्डारीले प्रयास गर्दा मधेसी मोर्चाकै नेताहरू असहयोग गरेका थिए । जसले गर्दा उहाँले सत्ता छाड्नुपर्यो । जुन सशस्त्र समूहको अप्रत्यक्ष सहयोगका कारण मधेसी मोर्चाले पहिलो संविधानसभामा ठूलो मत ल्याएको थियो । पछि, सरकारमा गएपछि उहाँहरूले विशेष सुरक्षा नीति लागू गराएर मधेसमा दुई सय ८१ जना मधेसी युवाको हत्या गराइयो ।

यसरी सत्तामा जाँदा ५४ वटा हत्या, सत्तामा गइसकेपछि दुई सय ८१ वटा हत्या र सत्ता छाडेपछि अहिले ५२ जनाको हत्या भइसकेको छ ।

यति भइसकेपछि यदि उहाँहरूले अझै पनि सरकारमाथि मात्र प्रश्न उठाउनुहुन्छ भने यो उहाँहरूको नैतिकतामाथि नै प्रश्न हो । ......... मधेसी मोर्चाको जति पनि वार्ता समितिहरू गठन भएका छन्, त्यसमा गैरमधेसी मूलका पात्र हुँदैनन्, महिला हुँदैनन् । जब कि मधेसमा ५० प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी महिला रहेका छन् । यसले के देखाउँछ भने मधेसी नेतृत्वको सोच आफैं विभेदकारी रहेको छ । ...... अहिले केपी ओली सरकारकै कुरा गर्दा उहाँ आफू मधेसप्रति संवदेनशील छु, भन्नुहुन्छ, तर उहाँले गरेका नियुक्तिमा दुई प्रतिशत पनि मधेसी छैनन् । उहाँको आफ्नै सल्लाहकार टोलीमा मधेसीहरू कतिजना छन् ? ........... यहाँ के भएको छ भने, मधेस आन्दोलनलाई विखण्डकारी भनेर आरोप लगाउने र प्रमाणित गर्ने काम मात्र भएको छ । समस्याको जडलाई पहिचान नगरी आन्दोलनलाई भारतसँग जोड्ने काम मात्र भइरहेको छ, जुन गलत छ ।

Public Statement by eight Alabama clergymen
Denouncing Martin Luther King's efforts, April 12, 1963

On April 12, 1963, while Martin Luther King was in the Birmingham jail because of his desegregation demonstrations, eight prominent Alabama clergymen published the following statement in the local newspapers urging blacks to withdraw their support from Martin Luther King and his demonstrations. Although they were in basic agreement with King that segregation should They accused King of being an outsider, of using "extreme measures" that incite "hatred and violence", that King's demonstrations are "unwise and untimely", and that the racial issues should instead be "properly pursued in the courts." .........

We recognize the natural impatience of people who feel that their hopes are slow in being realized. But we are convinced that these demonstrations are unwise and untimely.

....... Just as we formerly pointed out that "hatred and violence have no sanction in our religious and political traditions," we also point out that such actions as incite to hatred and violence, however technically peaceful those actions may be, have not contributed to the resolution of our local problems. We do not believe that these days of new hope are days when extreme measures are justified in Birmingham. ........ We further strongly urge our own Negro community to withdraw support from these demonstrations, and to unite locally in working peacefully for a better Birmingham.

When rights are consistently denied, a cause should be pressed in the courts and in negotiations among local leaders, and not in the streets.

We appeal to both our white and Negro citizenry to observe the principles of law and order and common sense.

Martin Luther King's Letter from the Birmingham Jail

more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here ...... I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea.

Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.

........ You deplore the demonstrations taking place In Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. ....

It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.

...... In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action. We have gone through an these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case.

On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good-faith negotiation.

......... As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. ..... We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self-purification.

We began a series of workshops on nonviolence, and we repeatedly asked ourselves : "Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?" We decided to schedule our direct-action program for the Easter season, realizing that except for Christmas, this is the main shopping period of the year. Knowing that a strong economic withdrawal program would be the by-product of direct action, we felt that this would be the best time to bring pressure to bear on the merchants for the needed change

......... You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent-resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word "tension." I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth.

Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half-truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, we must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood

........ My friends, I must say to you that

we have not made a single gain civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure

. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us,

groups tend to be more immoral than individuals

. ....... We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we stiff creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging dark of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six-year-old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five-year-old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross-county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "nigger," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you no forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness" – then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. ......... one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all." ...... segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and awful ....... One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law. ....... It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree,

academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience

. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience. ........

We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was "legal" and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was "illegal."

....... over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate.

I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.

......... Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with an its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured. ......

u assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence

. ....... it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence ....... I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas. He writes: "An Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth." ........ from the strangely rational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral ......

the fact that stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self-respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence.

....... I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do-nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. ...... Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice. ..... The Negro has many pent-up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides-and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. ........ In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime---the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment.

The other, Jeans Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment.

Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists. ........ I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action. .......

Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South. They have languished in filthy, roach-infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as "dirty nigger lovers."

....... I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. .....

When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained-glass windows.

....... In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: "Those are social issues, with which the gospel has no real concern." And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, un-Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular. ......... when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest?" ........ There was a time when the church was very powerful in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. ...... Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being "disturbers of the peace" and "outside agitators"' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were "a colony of heaven," called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be "astronomically intimidated."

By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorial contests.

........ If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions,

and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century.

Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust. ...... Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world?

Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world.

...... We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. ....... You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping "order" and "preventing violence." I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department.

राजेश अहिराज मधेसी हक़ हितका लागि बोल्ने गरेको मधेसी नै भएकोले काठमाण्डु मीडिया को प्रोपगंडा र दुष्प्रचार भन्दा पनि बढ़ी समस्या सिर्जना गर्न सक्ने संभावना बोकेका मानिस हुन। त्यसैले जवाफ दिनु आवश्यक छ।

यो आंदोलन मधेसी मोर्चा का चार नेता दुधले धोएको मानिसहरु भन्ने प्रमाणित गर्न का लागि भएको आंदोलन होइन। आलोचना भन्दा माथि कोही छैनन्। चार जनै चुनाव लड्ने मानिस हरु। जनताले हिसाबकिताब लिइ राख्ने छन।

यस आंदोलन को स्पष्ट एउटा एजेंडा छ कि देशको संविधानमा यो ११ बुँदे समाहित गरिएन भने देशमा मधेसी ले समानता पाउँदैन। यो आरक्षण को कानुन मा के परिमार्जन गर्ने भन्न का लागि आंदोलन होइन। बरु आरक्षण को लक्ष्य अहिले भने जस्तो समावेशी होइन कि समानुपातिक समावेशी भनेर गरिएको आंदोलन हो। मधेसी महिला को अधिकार का लागि भएको आंदोलन हो। मधेसको बुहारी को लागि लडिएको छ। भूमिहीन, नागरिकता विहीन मधेसी दलित हरु को पक्ष मा लड्ने सामन्ती कुन हिसाबले हो?

मधेसी आक्कल झुक्कल यदा कदा मंत्री नबनेको होइन। तर ९५% पहाड़ी कर्मचारी भएका मंत्रालय हरु। कहिले त आफ्नै पियन सुद्धा ले नटेर्ने मधेसी मंत्री हरु छन। संचार मंत्री हुँदा जय प्रकाश गुप्ता ले मधेसी पत्रकार का लागि नगरेको हो कि गर्न सक्ने अवस्था नरहेको हो? सोच्नु पर्ने कुरा। म आफुलाई व्यक्तिगत थाहा छैन। तर नेपाल जस्तो देशमा पद मा पुग्ने ले ठ्याक्कै भ्रष्टाचार नै गरेन भन्ने पनि थाहा छैन। बरु म यो अंदाज लगाउँदै छु, आक्कल झुक्कल यदा कदा मंत्री बनेको, पियन सुद्धा ले नटेर्ने मधेसी मंत्री हरु ले कति नै भ्रष्टाचार गर्यो होला! नेपाल जस्तो ब्रह्मलूट हुने देशमा (ओली ले बालकोट दरबार झापा बाट बोकेर ल्याएको होइन, र अधिकांश चुनाव हार्ने मान्छे तलब को पैसाले पनि बनाएको होइन) सत्ता भन्दा बाहिर कहिले नहुने पहरिया ले, सत्ता मा एकछत्र बसेको समुदाय ले कति भ्रष्टाचार गर्यो होला र गर्दै होला! अहिले समाचार आएको छ: ओली ले तीन महिना मा १० करोड़ बाड़न भ्याइ सक्यो ह रे! आफ्नै बापको पैसा जस्तो गरेर बाड़ेको छ। त्योभन्दा अगाडि सुशील ले त दुई अरब नै बाड्यो भन्छ। सत्ता मा नजाने समुदाय लाई भ्रष्टाचार को आक्षेप समावेशीता लागु गरे पछि लगाउने कि?

नाकाबंदी हटाउने कि न हटाउने बारे। १००% नाकाबंदी नगरे सम्म कुरा सुन्ने संभावना कत्ति को छ? बॉर्डर पारि बाट नै। नारा जुलुस ले सुन्ने भए सुनि सकथे।

सीमांकन को बारे मा म त्यस अवस्था मा छलफल गर्छु जब बाँकी १० बुंदा साढ़े तीन पहाड़ी दल ले मानिसके भन्ने समाचार आउँछ। बाँकी १० मानेको हो त?

मधेस आन्दोलनबारे चिनियाँ चासो

चिनियाँ कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीले एमाओवादीलाई मधेस आन्दोलनसँगको सम्बन्धबारे चासो राखेको छ । चिनियाँ कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीका उपमन्त्री चेन फेङ सियाङले एमाओवादी स्थायी समिति सदस्य वन तथा भूसंरक्षण मन्त्री अग्नी सापकोटासँग बिहीबार बेइजिङमा भएको डेढ घन्टा लामो छलफलमा मधेस आन्दोलनसँगको सम्बन्धबारे जिज्ञासा राखेका हुन् । .......‘मधेसी दल र एमाओवादीको सम्बन्ध कस्तो हो ?’ चेनलाई उद्धृत गर्दै सापकोटाले भने, ‘मधेसी दललाई सहमतिमा ल्याउन शीर्ष नेतृत्वले कस्तो भूमिका निर्वाह गरिरहेको छ ?’ ........ मधेस आन्दोलन र भारतको नाकाबन्दीका कारण नेपालको अर्थतन्त्रमा परेको प्रभावबारे पनि चेनले सापकोटासँग जिज्ञासा राखेका थिए ।

Posted by Lokendra Yadav on Thursday, January 14, 2016

देख लो भैया अपने रास्ट्र्वादी, मधेस बिरोधि और भारत बिरोधी नेता का असली चेहरा।।।

Posted by Lokendra Yadav on Thursday, January 14, 2016

Posted by Subhash Chandra Shah on Friday, January 15, 2016

Pure bull !! Nak bachauna nautanki !!

Posted by Sagar Onta on Thursday, January 14, 2016

Posted by Dipendra Jha on Thursday, January 14, 2016