Kanak Dixit's Intense Anti Madhesi Prejudice/Racism Filled Rant

English: Former President of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, makes a point during his initial interview by a special tribunal, where he is informed of his alleged crimes and his legal rights. Deutsch: der ehemalige Präsident des Irak, Saddam Hussein, bei seiner Stellungnahme während seiner ersten Hörung vor dem Sondertribunal, bei der er über die Anklagepunkte und seine Rechte informiert wurde. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Not to be left out, so as not to be discarded readily, he admits the Madhesis have been marginalized, he admits federalism is a gift of the Madhesi Kranti (revolution), and then he loses his way. He goes so far as to say the divisions of the Panchayat era were "unscientific" but then goes back to proposing the same.

Kanak Dixit's worldview and way of thinking should help the outside world understand as to why 15% of Nepal's population (the Bahun Chhetri men, mostly Bahun men, kind of like Saddam's Sunnis) occupies 90% of the space not only in Nepal's state apparatus, but also its private sector media, the NGOs, the private sector, the white collar professions.

Kanak Dixit is incurable. He is too smart and too educated to allow room for thinking that maybe he is fundamentally wrong.

That which has kept the Madhesi poor is Kanak Mani Dixit's prescription for Madhesi prosperity in the future.

Feeling Sorry For Province Two?
संघीयता मा बजेट बाडफाड़: ३३-३३-३४: केन्द्र प्रदेश स्थानीय
१०० डिग्री फ्यारेनहाइट
संघीयता को विवाद: कमिला र मौरी हरु बीच को विवाद
Why Does Karnali Want To Be Its Own State?
१ देश, १६ प्रदेश, २०-३० विशेष क्षेत्र, १००० गाउँ/नगर = १२५ जातजाति

प्रान्त नं. २ कसरी कमजोर, किन र गर्ने के? by Kanak Dixit

संघीयताको अजेण्डा नेपालको संविधानलेखनमा छिरेको न माओवादी न जनजाति आन्दोलनको कारण हो। मधेश आन्दोलनको आवाज थियो, जसले संघीयतालाई अन्तरिम संविधानमा प्रवेश गरायो। यस माग पछाडि मधेशी जनताले खेप्नु परेको दोहोरो मार थियो; एक त ऐतिहासिक बहिष्करण, अर्को राज्यको अपनत्वबाट एकहात पर राखिएको अवस्था। ....... गैर–वैज्ञानिक प्रान्त निर्माणले बहिष्कृत समुदायलाई झन् गरीबीकरण र सामथ्र्यहीनताको दलदलमा फसाउँने खतरा छँदै थियो। ...... ‘उत्तर–दक्षिण’ उच्चारणसम्म गर्नेलाई ‘संघीयता विरोधी’ र अझै ‘मधेश विरोधी’ बिल्ला भिराइयो। ....

साक्षरता, मानव विकास सूचकांक, दलित तथा मुसलमानको संख्या र अवस्था, प्राकृतिक स्रोतमा कमी तथा जटिल सामाजिक अन्तरसम्बन्ध इत्यादि कारण हेर्दा तराई–मधेशको अवस्था अन्य कुनै क्षेत्रभन्दा नाजुक छ विशेषगरी पर्सादेखि सप्तरीको क्षेत्र। हो, कर्णाली र सुदूरपश्चिमका जिल्लाको सूचकांक पनि राम्रो छैन, तर तराई–मधेशको जनसंख्याको कारण यहाँ मानवीय पीडाको अनुपात धेरै गुणा बढी छ।

..... बोल्न रुचाउने पहाडे पृष्ठभूमिका विश्लेषकलाई भने ‘मधेश विरोधी’ भन्दै पन्छाउने चेष्टा भयो। ......

संविधानसभालाई पारदर्शी र खुला बहसको थलो बन्न दिइएको भए पनि प्रान्त निर्माणको मुद्दा यत्तिको जटिल बन्ने थिएन। तर पहिलो संविधानसभादेखि ‘कन्सेन्सस्’ राजनीतिले जरा गाडेपछि सदनमा भन्दा शीर्षस्थ नेताबीचको कोठे संवादमा जकडियो संविधान निर्माणका संघीयतासहितका जटिल विषयहरू।

....... ६ प्रान्त सीमांकनमा जनजाति समुदायबीच सबैभन्दा अन्याय थारूलाई परेको छ, जसको घनत्वको क्षेत्र पूर्व र पश्चिम दुवैमा टुक्र्याएका छन्। ...... यो सीमांकन खाका अन्तर्गत सबैभन्दा बढी हानि प्रान्त नं. २ अन्तर्गत पर्सादेखि सप्तरी ८ जिल्लाका बासिन्दालाई गरेको छ। भूभागको हिसाबले सबैभन्दा सानो यो प्रस्तावित प्रान्तमा जनसंख्या भने प्रान्त नं.३ को हाराहारीमा ठूलो छ। आजसम्म आइपुग्दा विवादको विषय नै रहेन कि प्रान्त नं. २ मा प्राकृतिक स्रोतको कमी छ, र ध्यान पुर्‍याएन भने प्रस्तावित सीमांकनले यी ८ जिल्लामा थप गरीबीकरण भित्र्याउँछ। ........... प्रान्त नं. २ को मुख्य चुनौती हुनेछ ५४ लाख जनसंख्यालाई कसरी समृद्धि दिलाउने, र यसमा केही कुरा निर्णायक हुन्छन्; जनसंख्या, जनघनत्व, प्राकृतिक स्रोत, सामाजिक अन्तरसम्बन्ध। पहाडसँग गाँसिएको सन्दर्भमा मोलमोलाइ नगरी हकदावीको भरमा पर्यटन, सिञ्चित पानी, सेवा उद्योग, जलविद्युत् इत्यादिको आम्दानीको साझेदार समथर हुने नै थियो। ........

उता प्रान्त नं. १ र ३ ले हिमाल–पहाड भूटानको ‘पर–क्यापिटा’ समृद्धिको सपना देख्न थालिसकेका छन् भने प्रान्त नं. २ मा ‘बिहार’ हुने संकटको चर्चा छ।

..... (भूटानमा पहाड–हिमाल मात्र छ, तराई छैन।) ......... सीमांकनको खाका आएपछि गतहप्ता मध्यपश्चिम र थारू समुदायको सन्दर्भमा सबैभन्दा बढी चिन्ता र आक्रोश व्यक्त भएको छ। तर कसैले पनि प्रस्तावित सीमांकनको नक्शा हेर्दा भन्न सक्दछ कि यसमा प्रान्त नं. २ का ८ जिल्लाका नागरिकको भविष्यसँग सबैभन्दा बढी खेलबाड भएको छ, संख्यात्मक वजनको कारण। ......... सिन्धुली, उदयपुर, मकवानपुर र समथर कुनै तरीकाले गाँसेर सशक्त पहाड–समथर प्रान्त बनोस्। ......... यसअघि कसैलाई भनिहाल्न गाह्रो भएको अन्तरिम संविधानको धारा १३८ लाई संशोधन गरेर सीमांकनलाई संघीय आयोगमा हस्तान्तरण गर्न मिल्छ कि ! ........

अझ अर्को उपाय भनेको संविधानसभाले अरू सबै काम सकेर आफैंले खडा गरेको संघीय आयोगलाई काम सुम्पने र त्यतिवेलासम्म संविधानसभा विघटन नगर्ने...

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Feeling Sorry For Province Two?

Why Does Karnali Want To Be Its Own State?

First of all, let's not talk like this is a settled debate. यो ६ अंचल वाला नक्शा पारित हुनु अगाडि संविधान जल्छ, देश टुट्छ।

Second, I wonder why these districts are so poor, the poorest in the entire country. Answer: internal colonization.

Third, we already tried the unitary state. We already tried the Madhesh-Pahad integration. These were in the China-India-touching Eastern and Central provinces, remember? We already tried Kathmandu. For 200 plus years. It did not work. It has not worked.

But it is not federalism when four million Madhesis are denied citizenship rights and another four million are kept second class citizens for life. This is not a matter of negotiation. This is the bottomline. Either all Madhesis get citizenship certificates, and equality, or we go our separate ways. मधेसी क्रांति १ र २ संघीयता र समावेशीता का लागि थियो। मधेसी क्रांति ३ यदि हुन्छ भने अलग देश का लागि हुन्छ। देश टुट्छ।

The proposed map is wrong for all parts of the country. And the power devolution is not federalism, it is not even decentralization. Provinces are designed to have less power than districts used to have.

This dog won't hunt.

Feeling for Province Two

Unexpectedly, the flashpoint of the federal agenda appeared not in the hotbed of identity-related tension elsewhere in the hills and the plains, but in the mid-western region which has been relatively aloof from the charged debates that have buffeted our two constituent assemblies. ........ Amidst the push and pull of constitutional politics, the ethnic group that has been left most vulnerable is the Tharu of the plains, which is about as ‘indigenous’ as anyone can be in this country. By volume and depth of poverty, however, those who are most likely to be further impoverished by the federal formula are the inhabitants of the eight districts in the proposed Province 2. ...... Even though the plains-only agenda was expanded to concede two provinces by the time of the second CA, it ignored all kinds of demographic issues on the ground. These included the class-and-caste differentiations within ‘core Madhes’, the language spectrum from Awadhi to Maithili, the place of the Muslims, Tharus and other smaller ethnicities, separate issues of Tarai and inner-Tarai, and the sizeable number of pahadiyas living in the flats. Most importantly, the formula overlooked economics and equity. .......

the constitutional draft emerged as a sub-optimal hodgepodge because of the failure of civil society and academia to engage in the discussion on the basis of social science and constitutionalism.

The constitution-writing was hijacked from the Assembly floor by a cabal of political leaders........ Within and without the second CA, over the years, there was an absence of open debates between the plains federalists and the mixed-region federalists. The latter argued that the density of poverty was to be found in the plains, that one must link the Tarai/Madhes to the north (either all or part of the way) so as to guarantee that hill-based resources would, by right, subsidise the plains. The plains citizens never really got to hear this argument. ....... Many personal, collective and institutional failures have contributed to the band-aid, patchwork exercise that has been Nepal’s constitutional writing as a whole and federalism demarcation in particular. But at the heart lies the refusal to take the identity vs. economic geography debate to the Madhes heartland of central-eastern Tarai, which in turn vitiated the delineation countrywide. ........ It bears keeping in mind that once the federal demarcation is locked in the promulgated constitution it will be difficult to reverse, because no well-off province will want to surrender natural resources and privileges already granted. The time to save the future is now, before the key is turned. ........ Meanwhile, those who went to the Supreme Court with the writ petition to block the formation of a federal commission of experts by the constitution framers may themselves want to seek a ‘vacating’ of the stay order that was granted. This would make it easier for the CA, if there is violence and deadlock, to leave the task of final demarcation to such a commission, basing itself on the issues as debated in the Assembly. ..... we must work to ensure that the ‘equalisation’ principle is applied.