China

सड़क आन्दोलन सँग वार्ता नगर्ने तानाशाह

कोरोना को तेस्रो लहर आउन लाग्यो। झट्ट वार्ता गरेर फटाफट समस्या समाधान गरिहालौं भन्ने छैन। केही माँग छन तत्काल समाधान गर्न सकिने। केही मॉँग छन आजको आज समाधान गर्न नसकिने। रातारात सिंचाइ नहर खन्न सकिन्छ भन्ने लिंडे ढिपी किसान आन्दोलन ले गरेको देखिँदैन त। लामो समय लाग्ने समाधान हरु बारे सँगै बसेर रोडमैप बनाउन सकिन्छ। 

समाधान ननिस्केला ह रे। मानौं। तर वार्ता त गर्नुपर्छ एउटा लोकतान्त्रिक सरकार ले। किसान आन्दोलन ले महिना काटिसक्दा पनि देउबा सरकार वार्ता मा नआउनु तानाशाही को पराकाष्टा हो। भ्रष्टाचार, कमिशनखोरी र बिचौलियावाद ले धमिरा ले जस्तै लोकतंत्र लाई भित्र भित्र खाइदिएको छ।

यो आन्दोलन लोकतंत्र का लागि पनि हो। 

फ्युजन को प्रयास

बर्लिन को पर्खाल ढलना साथ पुँजीवाद र साम्यवाद बीच को बहस शायद सकिएन भन्ने कुरा को ज्वलंत उदाहरण नेपाल पो हो कि? अमेरिका र भारत का लोकतंत्र एक अर्का का फोटोकॉपी छैनन। बहुदलीय लोकतंत्र को चरित्र प्रत्येक देश मा विशिष्ट छ। अमेरिका कै कुरा गर्ने हो भने म नजिक बाट नियालेको र अझै नियालिरहेको मान्छे। आफै संलग्न भएको मान्छे चाहे स्वयंसेवक भएर नै किन नहोस। अहिले आजित भएको मान्छे। अमेरिका दुई पार्टी लोकतंत्र हो। भारत जस्तो बहुदलीय लोकतंत्र होइन। त्यो दुई मध्ये एक पार्टी अहिले गोरा हरु ले मात्र मत खसाल्न पाउनुपर्छ भनेर कम्मर कसेर लागेको छ। त्यस्तो पनि हो? 

माओ को विवेचना गर्ने हो भने आलोचना पनि गर्न पाउनुपर्यो, प्रशंसा पनि गर्न पाउनुपर्यो। चीन मा माओ को आलोचना गर्न पाइँदैन। त्यो भन्दा घोर अवैज्ञानिक कुरा के हुन सक्छ? अमेरिका मा एक समय मा टेलीफोन सेवा मा एउटा कंपनी को एक क्षत्र राज थियो। त्यो कंपनी लाई सरकार ले बिभिन्न टुकड़ा मा तोड्यो। त्यो नतोड़ेको भए अमेरिका ले शायद इंटरनेट नदेख्ने। अर्थात त्यो कंपनी तोड्नु मैं देश, जनता र खुद त्यस कंपनी लाई फाइदा थियो। तर त्यो कदम त्यस कंपनी ले आफै नचालने। 

चीन मा एउटा पार्टी को मोनोपोली त्यस्तै हो जस्तो लाग्छ मलाई। सन १९९० देखि २०१० सम्म चीन ले जुन औसत १०% आर्थिक वृद्धि दर देख्यो त्यो कायम नरहनुपर्ने कुनै कारण थिएन र छैन पनि। तर त्यस का लागि जुन राजनीतिक सुधार गर्नुपर्छ त्यो गर्न एउटा कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी लाई दुई वटा बनाएर देश को प्रत्येक तहको निर्वाचन मा वास्तविक प्रतिस्प्रधा दिन सक्नुपर्छ।   

अमेरिका मा शिक्षा र स्वास्थ्य को क्षेत्र मा थुप्रै यस्ता काम छन गर्नुपर्ने जुन चीन बाट सिक्न सकिन्छ। तर वाक स्वतंत्रता, धार्मिक स्वतंत्रता त चीन लाई पनि हो चाहिएको। त्यो कस्तो कमजोर राजनीतिक प्रणाली हो जसको खुल्लमखुल्ला आलोचना गर्यो कि गरलयंगुरलुम ढलने? 

नेपाल संविधान सभा मा गएर विश्व लाई उच्चतम लोकतंत्र दिने प्रयास मा जानुपर्छ। 

Democracy And Revolution In Nepal

When I think about democracy I don't start in the United States. I start in the human heart, for liberty rings inside every human heart. But there are outward expressions of that ringing. That might look like a traffic light. And there the United States is fair play. If democracy is great, is it great in America? That is a fair question to ask. Democracy works and democracy can be seen to fail. But when it fails it is often the lack of democracy. The answer often is more democracy. 

But the quality of a democracy is its citizens. Not just citizens who stay adamant about their rights but also citizens that stay at work individually and in family settings and in small group settings honing their moral fiber, willing to give more than they receive, or when they don't receive at all. That endpoint is the domain of the higher power. But so is the starting point. That all human beings have been created equal is not a human axiom. That comes from up above. Democracy is saying all human beings have been created equal. 

Let's face it, America right now is openly flirting with the idea that maybe it wants to become a South Africa, a country of white minority rule, except that it doesn't need to create white minority rule, it has always had white minority rule. When you have only two political parties for all intents and purposes, and one party is busy restricting voting rights, you got a problem. The problem is not that the effort might succeed, it likely will not, but the attempt itself is a problem. That country should stop lecturing the rest of the world about democracy. 

That is where Nepal comes in, sitting right next to the largest democracy. It is an Iraq size population that did the democracy work without the trillions. It has been seeing revolutionary fervor since 2006. The revolution is not over yet and, guided to its logical conclusion, could yet give the world not only its most cutting edge democracy, the one closest to one person one vote, but also a 20 per cent growth rate for 20 years, thus proving democracy indeed is the best vehicle for prosperity, but it has to be fully applied. 

A revolution is not about substituting one elite for another, or making possible a wholesale looting of the public treasury by elected leaders and long entrenched bureaucrats. Corruption is proof of absence of democracy. Of course a corrupt government will not deliver. And that is why Nepal is still in revolutionary fervor 15 years later. Because the delivery has not been made. The street has not been honestly translated into state power. The people remain powerless. 

Afghanistan as a country and society was not that different from Nepal before the two superpowers took turns going in. Expat white folks would sing songs about how welcoming and hospitable the Afghans were. They still do so in Nepal. Just don't show up with your military, or the tune might change. 

As a country in revolution Nepal offers an amazing opportunity to political scientists around the world. If you were to fashion an optimum democracy today, what might that look like? Nepal as a country with a low economic base also offers economists around the world an opportunity. How could Nepal achieve a 20 per cent growth rate for 20 years straight and eradicate poverty in Nepal and, by example, in the rest of the world, much of it in next door India? Let's bang heads. 

When people like Bernie Sanders in the US talk about health care, they sound like they want some of what China has. Those like me who would like to see China go back to double digit growth rates seem to suggest China should become a little more like America. Maybe China needs not one but two communist parties. Break it like they broke AT&T. Take it from Nepal where they have three major ones, and no one knows how many minor ones. You should be able to criticize Mao in China, for where you can not fearlessly criticize, how can you openly and genuinely praise? You can not claim your methods are scientific if opinions are not allowed. That choking is unscientific. 

In Nepal perhaps a fusion can be attempted. Many parties are a given. Free speech is the bedrock. But parties can be regulated so as to take the political process as close to one person one vote as possible. And the proof will be in the pudding. Can Nepal eradicate poverty fast and do so without sacrificing the family, the environment, the culture, and the spirituality? 

Let the revolution decide, but even revolutions, and particularly revolutions, have to be guided by enlightened minds and open debates.    

दुनिया को नवीनतम क्रान्ति बाट दुनिया को उच्चतम लोकतन्त्र को अपेक्षा

पहिलो कुरा त संविधान ५० वर्ष मा स्वतः अवसान भएर देश आफसेआफ नया संविधान सभा मा जाने प्रावधान हुनुपर्यो। 

दोस्रो कुरा विगत शताब्दी को शीत युद्ध सकियो भन्न मिल्दैन। त्यत्रो ठुलो सिंगो चीन छ। मेरो आफ्नै अनुभव हो यदि लोकतंत्र एक व्यक्ति एक मत हो भने अमेरिका त्यहाँ पुगिसकेको छैन। बरु अमेरिका को दुई मध्ये एक पार्टी अमेरिका लाई गोरा हरु को अल्पमत शासन भएको दक्षिण अफ्रिका बनाउने प्रयासमा व्यस्त देखिन्छ। त्यो प्रयास सफल नहोला तर त्यो उच्चतम लोकतंत्र अवश्य होइन। 

भने पछि नेपाल मा लोकतंत्र यस्तो हुनुपर्यो जुन भारत, अमेरिका, बेलायत आदिमा छैन। सकेसम्म एक व्यक्ति एक मत को नजिक को लोकतंत्र। त्यो भनेको चुनाव मा मत पाएको अनुपातमा पार्टी चलाउन सरकार बाट नै पैसा पाउने, त्यो बाहेक अर्को कुनै स्रोत हुन नहुने हो कि? 

चीन मा माओ को आलोचना गर्न पाइँदैन। जुन ठाउँमा खुला दिल ले आलोचना गर्न पाइँदैन स्वाभाविक छ त्यहाँ गरिएको प्रशंसा को बारे शंका गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ। भारत मा महात्मा गांधी को इच्छा लागे जति प्रशंसा अथवा आलोचना गर्न पाइन्छ। 

नेपाल मा भारत र चीन को फ्यूज़न खोज्नुपर्ने हो कि? दुनिया को उच्चतम लोकतन्त्र कस्तो हो? नेपाल मा संविधान सभा ले त्यो विषय सँग कुस्ती खेल्नु जरूरी छ। 

China And Political Reforms

The Chinese state has been designed thinking capital has to be subdued by people. And so the people organization, the Chinese Communist Party, sits atop pretty much everything. But capital is not that evil. Adam Smith's insight was that large masses of people all driven by self-interest end up taking care of the public good. So movement of capital can be seen as an expression of the people's will.

Be that as it may, and with concerns mounting in the American and European political and economic conversations (Piketty's insight that if capital grows at 10% per year, and wages go up by 3%, then the gap will just keep widening until society collapses), even if the Chinese thought is taken at face value, I believe that still creates a lot of room for political reform inside China.

It can be argued the Chinese Communist Party has deviated from its origins and is today just an organization with political monopoly. Ordinary members of the party are not the people that the party derives its power from, let alone the Chinese masses. The party members, large in number, merely provide legitimacy to the people higher up who hold the real power. The organization is well-funded, well-organized, arguably the best organized and best funded political organization on the planet.

The CCP currently provides two candidates for each office at the most local level, and then ordinary voters pick between the two. That is still something. But what if those two had to run in some kind of a primary election inside the party. All party members at that level would vote for candidates. The top two winners of such a primary election would then go face the voters. Would that take away from the original promise of keeping people above the forces of capital? I think not.

What if that is also made true for elections higher up? For the governor of a state? For the president of the country? So all party members inside Tibet would vote for candidates for Governor. The top two would go on to face the voters. Similarly all party members across the country would vote for all presidential candidates, and the two top candidates would then go face the ordinary voters. Would that take away from the original promise of keeping people above the forces of capital? I think not.

They say in China, economic rights over political rights. As in, feed the hungry before you talk about free speech. But that was a long time ago. The people have been fed. Now shall we talk?

If people could talk freely, and if the internet that an ordinary person can access in the US were also the internet that the people inside China could access, would that lead to a collapse of the current system? The system today perhaps. But if China were still a one party state where ordinary people could vote directly for their mayor, governor and president, I don't see how free speech could topple that system. I think China could end up with a system superior to the one in the US. Freely speaking Chinese would simply brag about their political system, them belly full.

The concluding argument of the Trump-Xi trade war from the Trump side was, China can't make chips. China has ambitions to do well in all sorts of cutting edge technologies. I don't see how you can deliver on that unless you have a culture of robust free speech.

The American political system has huge deficiencies. They can't do gun control! They go round and round in circles talking about abortion! They seem incapable of universal health care, or lifelong education. I think China undertaking political reforms would give the country a huge leverage globally. It would put pressure on America to do things like universal health care, and campaign finance reform.

The CCP needs to fight the forces of political monopoly within its ranks and should truly seek to reprsent the people. Minus that it will not be able to lead China to great economic heights on the way to 2030, 2040 and beyond. The political monopoly is moral corruption. With these political reforms most of China's border tensions will cease. There will no longer be any need for external enemies.

Economic rights have been achieved. Poverty has been eradicated (hardly the case in America!). Now it is time for political reforms in China.

China's Xi throws down gauntlet to US Xi warned that China will not be “bullied, oppressed, or subjugated,” and that anyone who dares to try “will find their heads bashed bloody against a great wall of steel forged by over 1.4 billion Chinese people.” The speech has been characterized as “defiant” and “fiery.” ........ in a speech of approximately 7,200 characters (where each character or ideogram is in effect a word), only about 770 characters were devoted to the military and the warnings about China not being bullied. ........... Above all, the speech focused on China’s (and not just the People’s Republic of China’s) efforts to modernize and advance from being one of the most backwards nations to reassuming its place as a global leader. ........ Xi placed the CCP’s development and programs alongside such events as the Taiping Rebellion (the Chinese civil war that was the bloodiest conflict of the 19th century), the Tung-Chih Restoration and the Boxer Rebellion. All of these were characterized as efforts at reforming China in order to modernize and progress. The salient difference, according to Xi, is that these previous efforts all failed, whereas the CCP’s efforts have succeeded. .......... the “Century of Humiliation” and the fall of China from economic and political preeminence in Asia (and arguably the world) to becoming the “sick man of Asia.” Xi noted that while China was exploited by foreign powers (in particular the United Kingdom during the Opium Wars), it was also internally weak and backwards. Xi describes it as semi-feudal, and that’s arguably accurate, certainly in the Chinese countryside of 1921. This domestic weakness, in turn, made China vulnerable to foreign depredation. ............ It is the CCP, Xi emphasized, that broke China out of this backwardness. In essence, the CCP has earned the support of the Chinese people through its demonstrated effectiveness. ...........

the CCP represents the pinnacle of 5,000 years of Chinese history and civilization

........... a full-throated reaffirmation of the socialist credentials and nature of the CCP and the PRC ........

there is an ideological component to the challenge posed by Xi and the CCP, one rooted in socialist thought

........ the PRC won’t tolerate being lectured, nor will it evolve in directions set by others. China has its own “core interests,” which it will not make concessions on — an important point when considering developments ranging from the South China Sea to human rights to cyberspace and outer space to expectations of a more liberal CCP. ...........

the United States was not qualified to criticize China

........... trying to get China to liberalize, whether with regards to the Uighurs or Hong Kong, was portrayed as “bullying” and “subjugation.” ......... Insofar as the West wants China to conform to the rules of a rules-based international order, Xi and the CCP are indicating that those rules must be ones that China has forged. ........... Napoleon is said to have warned, “Let China sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world.” Xi Jinping’s speech suggests that China is, indeed, roused and ready to start that shaking.

To understand Xi Jinping's China, we must look back to Liang Qichao — the 'godfather of Chinese nationalism' Liang Qichao may not be as familiar to most of us as Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping or Xi himself, but Liang has been called the "godfather of Chinese nationalism" and is the voice that has whispered in the ears of China's leaders for the past century. ........... It is impossible to understand China today without going back to the fall of the Qing Empire in the early years of the 20th century, and a man whose writings triggered a dark night of the soul for the Chinese people. ........ When Xi Jinping talked about "national rejuvenation", "sovereignty and territorial integrity", he was channelling Liang Qichao. When he warned that no foreign force "will bully, oppress or subjugate us", he was echoing the words of Liang. It was Liang Qichao who helped popularise the idea of "humiliation" that Xi now uses as a mantra to bind Chinese people to a militant identity that pits China against the world. ................ He was a writer and activist, one of the most significant thinkers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries in China. He campaigned for reform of the Qing Empire, making him a target, and fled overseas, living in Japan and Canada. He visited Australia, meeting our first prime minister, Edmund Barton. ............ Liang embraced the West, soaking up new ideas. But it only reinforced

his view that China was morally corrupt

. Liang looked at his nation, and saw defeat, humiliation and weakness. .............. He coined the phrase "the sick man of Asia" to describe China's fallen state. ....... Being defeated in war by Japan in 1895, Liang said "awoke our nation from its four thousand year old dream". ........

Liang set about inventing a new nation. He advocated the unity of the "yellow race".

He coined a term "minzu" to describe the people of the nation. He began to talk of what he called "hsin min"' — a "new people". ............ a new "definition of the Chinese people as a nation ... based upon common ties of place, blood, custom and culture". In today's terms, we might call it "make China great again". .............. But Liang's vision for this new China did not include democracy. .......... Liang preferred what he called "enlightened despotism." ........ "from 1842 to 1942, China had been treated by the West with distrust, ridicule, and disdain, mingled from time to time with pity and charity, only occasionally sympathy and friendliness". .........

In 1949, Mao crowned victory in the Communist Revolution with the words "the Chinese people have stood up".

......... He grew disillusioned with politics in China and retreated to study and writing. But

he was perhaps the greatest influence on a young emerging revolutionary, Mao Zedong

. .......... It isn't a show of strength but a reminder of humiliation. It reveals

the paradox of China: at once powerful yet fragile.

........... for all of its undoubted success, the Party does not believe in its people. .......... Like Liang Qichao, Xi believes the people need to be re-made.

‘Keep your eyes on the sun’ the Chinese Communist Party that leads it will today celebrate 100 years since its founding and nearly 72 years in power. .........

The authoritarian regime transformed China so rapidly that today the nation identifies as both an emerging superpower, and a developing nation, at the same time.

......... when we see “China” in a headline, it’s often talking about the CCP, not the country’s 1.4 billion people. ........... Mr Xi oversees the party and its 92 million members — ..... less than 7 per cent of China’s 1.4 billion people. ......... the party and the government are inseparable. ........ The structure of the CCP is highly opaque and complex .......... Mr Xi sits atop what’s known as the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), a circle of seven men who effectively run China. ........ the National People’s Congress — China’s parliamentary equivalent — some 3,000 delegates who meet annually to “rubber stamp” laws. .......... Every five years, thousands of CCP representatives convene to elect the party’s central leadership bodies. ......... the intra-party mechanics of the CCP get complex and bureaucratic ........ these ranks — who make up a tiny fraction of China’s population. ........ China does hold elections for local representatives. But all candidates must be CCP-approved. No photos or candidate information are provided — only a name. ......... in a nation with more than 680 million females, there are no women in the top rank ........ raising controversial issues is effectively prohibited ......... Single-party rule allows for significant policy changes and difficult decisions to be made without much political fallout from the Chinese people. It also means that long-term targets can be set and political decisions made without concern or worry that an opposition party will gain popular support or unwind policy every few years. ............... the idea for a population control policy had been ruminating within the Politburo Standing Committee for nearly a decade through the 1970s under Mao Zedong, before being formally enacted as the one-child policy in 1980 by late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping — it would stay in place for the next 35 years. ............. Deng’s economic reforms transformed the country from being one of the world’s poorest to the second-largest economy on earth within a generation. ......... “My parents explained to me that I was a second child, that it was forbidden, and if it was disclosed, they would lose everything” ............ “[CCP] leaders have nothing to do with the ones below them, just like the whole mechanism of the Communist Party — it

only looks at the faces above, not the people’s feelings below.”

......... “the CCP doesn’t use the ordinary people’s perspective, it uses a comparative sociological perspective” that prioritises societal progress over individual struggle. ......... “There is so-called ‘intra-party’ and ‘extra-party’ democracy. But if you can’t discuss the Central Committee’s policies, what kind of ‘democracy’ do you have?” .......... Despite its socio-capitalist wealth, the CCP is still guided by communist principles like

democratic centralism and collective leadership

. .............. These ideas strive for leadership through consensus and unity. ........ This “collective” order is also maintained under an extrajudicial process known as ‘Shuanggui’ – overseen by the PSC’s Disciplinary Commission – to punish disloyal party members who cross the line. ...........

what constitutes “the line” is fluid, and up to the discretion of senior ranking CCP members.

........ “The party guides rather than instructs: it saves giving direct orders for when something is really important.” ........ “Normally, the goal is to get everyone to read the leader’s mind, and so there are lots of [iterations of] what the party thinks.” .........

while issues like human rights do get raised, it’s not in a way liberal democracies would expect: the discussion is framed in terms of extreme rationality, with emphasis placed on the socioeconomic advancement of the society, not on the suffering of individuals, which is seen as counterproductive when governing so many people

. ............ “No Communist Party member — including Mao Zedong — sincerely believes in communism, and no Communist Party member would say that openly” .......... “The legitimacy of ideology is actually a very contradictory thing for the Communist Party of China —

it plays the Marxist-Leninist card, but it actually follows the Chinese emperor system.”

............ People like Yin maintain some policies seen by many as “cruel” would not be allowed to exist if the Chinese people could voice their opinions. ......... as a ruling party it is very much supported, but

I wouldn’t dare to say it’s supported by the majority of the people because it wouldn’t dare to announce a general election in China

............ policy in China does not attract much public consultation. If [the public had a chance to speak], these millions of tragedies wouldn’t happen.” ........ when a group of leftist-inspired students took over Tiananmen Square in 1919 to protest against foreign powers who were violating China’s sovereignty after World War I. .........

In July 1921, the CCP held its first National Congress, attended by a dozen members including a 27-year-old Mao Zedong.

By the end of the civil war in 1949, former student-turned-CCP leader Chairman Mao would declare the People’s Republic of China, and the party as its sole governing authority. .............. Some say this history informed the CCP’s own handling of the 1989 protests in Tiananmen Square some 70 years later, which were sparked in the same spirit as those of 1919. .......... In 2020, the CCP claimed it had achieved its centenary target of eradicating absolute poverty across the country. .......... The party also has a goal for the centenary of the founding of China in 2049. It hopes that by then the country will be “a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong,

democratic

, culturally advanced and harmonious”. .............. Prioritising pragmatism over strict ideology — for example, inviting foreign investment into its communist tradition — has been integral to the CCP’s success and domestic popularity. ............ “By guiding more than directing, they can take the praise for things that go right — and many things have in the past 30 years — while blaming problems or failures on subordinates not acting the way top leaders want them to.” ......... “Politically, the West’s theory that capitalism is the ultimate has been shaken, and socialist development has experienced a miracle,” Mr Xi said in a speech after first coming to power. ............. “Western capitalism has suffered reversals, a financial crisis, a credit crisis, a crisis of confidence, and their self-conviction has wavered.

“Western countries have begun to reflect, and openly or secretively compare themselves against China’s politics, economy, and path.”

................ Foreign relations are regularly strained by an inability to see eye to eye on issues around human rights —

China’s frustration stems from alleged “hypocrisy” and “double standards”.

......... lifting “850 million people” out of poverty, a feat small Western countries have no experience with ..........

“As one African diplomat famously put it: ‘You cannot eat democracy.’”

........ 2022′s National People’s Congress might see a reshuffling of power, as the CCP seeks to project a more tame image in the future. .............. “Keep your eyes on the sun, and you will not see the shadows.” ....... look at the positives, and stop focusing on the dark sides.

निधि, सिंह, कोइराला, थापा: समायोजन को एक रेखा

एक कार्यकाल का लागि निधि पार्टी सभापति। अर्थात अर्को महाधिवेशन मा अहिले देखि नै घोषणा गरिदिने, गगन। गनगन थापा। दुई एक्का को समायोजन भयो। निधि पार्टी सभापति रहँदा सम्म कांग्रेस को प्रधान मंत्री हुने मौका जुरेछ भने त्यो प्रकाशमान। अर्थात संसदीय दलको नेता। तीन एक्का को समायोजन भो। वीपी पुत्र फेरि महामंत्री। यदि पार्टी ले सभामुख पद पाए दिने गरी। भयो चार एक्का समायोजन। यी चार एक ठाउँ आए अरु जोसुकै लड़े नलडे फरक पर्दैन।  

तर चार मर्द। तीन डायनेस्टी। समावेशी खोइ? त्यो त मिलाउनुपर्छ। हुन त नेवार जनजाति हो। नेवार प्रधान मंत्री हुन्छ भने सन्देश त राम्रै जान्छ। दमजम। यादव। मिलाउने ले मिलाउलान। मधेसी र जनजाति, निधि र सिंह। हुन त बाहुन बाहुन मात्र भएको ठाउँमा शायद थापा पनि एक किसिमको जनजाति नै होला। डायनेस्टी त डायनेस्टी तर अंतिम डायनेस्टी। गगन सम्म पुग्दा डायनेस्टी समाप्त गर्ने डायनेस्टी। गनगन थापा का छोरी हरु राजनीति प्रवेश नगरुन। हार्दिक इच्छा। 

अथवा वीपी पुत्र भारत का लागि राजदुत। कसो? वीपी लाई भारत मा मानदान गर्ने समाजवादी हरु आज पनि प्रशस्त छन। थुप्रै लाई थाहा छैन तर ली कुआन यु को  सिद्धांत पनि लोकतान्त्रिक समाजवाद नै थियो। 

देउबा को स्थिति यस पटक अत्यंत कमजोर छ। जति सुकै लड़े नलडे देउबा तर जित्दैनन। त्यति स्पष्ट छ। त्यही स्पष्ट भएर त जो पनि लड्छु भन्दैछन। देउबा लाई जित्छु भनेर थुप्रै लाई लागेको छ। तर देउबा ले समर्थन गरे पनि यदि यी चार एक्का को समायोजन हुँदैन भने निधि लाई गारहो छ। समायोजन हुन्छ भने जित सुनिश्चित। देउबा चाहियेन। हुन त पुछन का लागि पुछने गरे बिग्रिने होइन। आपसी सम्बन्ध का लागि राम्रै हो।

तर मेरो प्रमुख कुरा मुद्दा हो। हुन त सत्ता पनि मुद्दा हो। अनुहार पनि मुद्दा हो। तर मैले संविधान संसोधन को कुरा गरेको। 

कांग्रेस भित्र निधि को पक्ष मा संभावना 

जनकपुर–जयनगर रेल

प्रतिक्रान्ति विरुद्धको संसद पुनर्स्थापना र कॉंग्रेस भित्र विमल गगनको सम्मिश्रण

कार्यकर्ताले हामी तीन भाइको एकता खोजेका छन् १५ औँ महाधिवेशनमा मलाई सभापति बनाउने हैसियतमा शेरबहादुर देउवा रहनुहुन्न ............  कांग्रेसका यसअघिका चारवटा महाधिवेशनमा म शेरबहादुर देउवासँगै थिएँ । ........ म १० कक्षा पढ्दा नै जेलमा पुगेको विद्यार्थी हुँ । टेष्ट परीक्षा जेलभित्रैबाट दिएको हुँ । आइकम पनि मैले जेलबाटै दिएको हुँ । ........  म उहाँसँग पनि जेलमा सँगै थिएँ । ..........  कांग्रेसभित्रको आन्तरिक राजनीति बुझ्ने धेरैले भन्ने गर्थे– यो टिममा देउवा पनि विमलेन्द्र निधि नै हो । हाम्रै टिमका साथीहरुले पनि शेरबहादुर देउवापछि तपाईं नै हाम्रो नेता भनेर भन्नुहुन्थ्यो । कांग्रेसमा त्योबाहेक पनि अर्को इतर समूह या टिम छ । त्यो टिमभित्रका साथीहरुले पनि देउवापछि निधि नै हो भन्नुहुन्थ्यो । ............  रामचन्द्र पौडेल र रामशरणजीले त्यहीबेला अस्वीकार गर्नुभयो । उहाँहरुले सक्रिय राजनीतिक गर्ने हो भन्नुभयो । त्यसपछि शेरबहादुर देउवा र रामवरण यादवको नाम रह्यो । मनोनयन गर्ने दिन बिहानसम्म पनि शेरबहादुर देउवाले मैले सोचेर निर्णय गर्छु भन्दै हुनुहुन्थ्यो । मैले त्यसबेला नै रामवरण यादवलाई म तपाईंको पक्षमा छु है भनेर भनेको थिएँ । किनकि मैले गिरिजाबाबुको आदेशअनुसार उपेन्द्र यादवसँग कुरा गरिरहेको थिएँ । ............. हामी तीनजना गोप्य कोठामा बसेर ‘शेरबहादुरजी तपाईंले अहिले रामवरण यादवलाई छाडिदिनुस्’ भनेर भनेँ । ............ मैले त्यो बेला नै उहाँलाई के भनेको थिएँ भने– तपाईंले सभापति जित्नुभयो भने मलाई उपसभापति बनाउनुहोला । अनि म १४ औँ महाधिवेशनका लागि सभापतिको तयारी गर्छु । उहाँले हुन्छ हुन्छ भन्नुभयो । यही हो उहाँ र मबीचको कुरा । ............  त्यसबेला बीपीले नै विमलेन्द्र निधिलाई नेविसंघको सभापति बनाउनुपर्छ भनेर कार्यक्रम उद्घाटन गर्न आफैँ जानुभएको हो । ............ हुन त शेरबहादुरजीले केन्द्रीय कार्यालयमा सबैका सामु भन्नुभएको थियो– मलाई त उठ्ने इच्छा थिएन, तर मलाई भित्तामा धकेल्ने ? निर्वाचनमा पार्टी पराजित भएपछि नैतिकताका आधारमा राजीनामा दिनुपर्छ भनेर भन्दा उहाँले त्यसो भन्नुभएको थियो । ............... नेपाली कांग्रेसमा आफ्नै मात्र समूहबाट कोही पनि सभापति भएको छैन । यो बीपी कोइरालाकै पालादेखि देखिएको विषय हो । बीपी कोइरालाको समयमा पनि सुवर्ण शमशेर, गणेशमान सिंह र सूर्यप्रसाद उपाध्याय हुनुहुन्थ्यो । चारजना शीर्ष नेता हुनुहुन्थ्यो । किसुनजी र गिरिजाबाबु शीर्ष नेता हुनुहुन्नथ्यो । आज हामीले गुट भन्छौँ तर समूह त्यसबेला पनि थियो । ................... ३० वर्षे पञ्चायतकालमा महाधिवेशन हुन सकेन । ........... नवौँ महाधिवेशनमा गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाविरुद्ध उठ्नका लागि हामीले शेरबहादुर देउवा र रामचन्द्र पौडेललाई हात जोडेर अनुरोध गरेका हौँ । चिरञ्जीवी वाग्लेको ‘हाइट’ पुग्दैन तपाईंहरु अघि बढिदिनुस् भनेर आग्रह गर्‍यौँ तर मान्नुभएन । हामीले वाध्य भएर वाग्लेलाई अघि सारेका हौँ । ............. अन्तिम दिनमा त गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाले किसुनजीकै समूहबाट मान्छे तान्नुभयो । योगप्रसाद उपाध्याय, बासु रिसाल सबैको समर्थन प्राप्त गर्नुभो ।  गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला पनि आफ्नै समूहबाट निर्वाचित हुनुभएको थिएन । ............. १२ औँ महाधिवेशनमा सुशील कोइराला आफ्नै समूहबाटमात्रै निर्वाचित हुनुभएको होइन, उहाँले पनि शेरबहादुर देउवा, किसुनजी समूहका मान्छे तान्नुभयो र जित्नुभयो । उहाँहरुको निधन भइसकेपछि १३ औँ महाधिवेशनमा रामचन्द्र पौडेलसँग शेरबहादुर देउवाको प्रतिस्पर्धा भयो । शेरबहादुरजीले पनि कोइराला समूहकै मान्छे तानेर जित्नुभएको हो । ...................  शेरबहादुरजीलाई सभापति बनाउने भूमिका खेलेको हुँ । बीपी कोइरालादेखि अहिलेसम्म कसैले पनि कांग्रेसमा आफ्नो समूहको मतले मात्रै जितेको छैन । ................  मलाई पनि एक त आफ्नै समूहबाट शेरबहादुरजीले समर्थन गरिराख्नुभएको छैन । शेरबहादुरजीबाट समर्थन प्राप्त भयो भने मलाई सजिलो हुन्छ । म यो पनि भन्छु शेरबहादुरजीले मलाई ‘ल मेरो क्यान्डिडेट तपाईं नै हो’ भन्नुभयो भने पनि जित्न त्यति सजिलो छैन । ..................... बीपीको असली राजनीतिक उत्तराधिकारी म हुँ । ........... उहाँ गणेशमानजीको छोरा म महेन्द्रनारायण निधिको छोरा । अरु पनि साथीहरु छन् । यो नेपालमा मात्र होइन जहाँ पनि हन्छ । माफ गर्नुहोला तपाईंहरुको पत्रकारिता क्षेत्रमा पनि हुन्छ, डाक्टर, इन्जिनियर, साहित्यकार, चित्रकार, कलाकारको क्षेत्रमा पनि हुन्छ । त्यसकारण विरासतलाई हेयको दृष्टिकोणले हेर्नु हुँदैन है । .................  मैले उहाँलाई म तपाईंको निवासमा भेट्न आउँछु भनेको थिएँ । तर उमेर र पदका कारणले पनि म आउनुपर्छ भनेर उहाँ आउनुभयो ।

सरकारबाट बाहिरिएसँगै महन्थ ठाकुर समूहमा तीव्र असन्तुष्टि  पछिल्लो समय अध्यक्ष ठाकुरप्रति कार्यकारिणी समितिका सदस्यहरु शरतसिंंह भण्डारी, राजकिशोर यादव, राष्ट्रियसभाका सदस्य शेखर सिंह, विघटित प्रतिनिधिसभाका सदस्यहरु प्रमोद साह, अमृता अग्रहरी, नेता गोविन्द चौधरीलगायत असन्तुष्ट देखिएका छन् । उल्लेखनीय छ, उनीहरु सबैले जसपाभित्र ठाकुर र अर्का अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादवबीचको शक्ति संघर्षमा ठाकुरलाई नै साथ दिँदै आएका थिए ।  ........ सुरुमा भण्डारी उपेन्द्र यादवको पक्षमा थिए तर सरकारमा सहभागी हुने चर्चा चलेपछि उनी महन्थ ठाकुरको पक्षमा लागेका थिए । उनी निकट एक नेता भन्छन्, ‘शरत् दादा महन्थ ठाकुरको क्रियाकलापबाट सन्तुष्ट हुनुहुन्न तर उहाँलाई साथ दिनु दादाको बाध्यता छ ।’ ....... ‘महन्थ ठाकुर पक्षमा कुनै पनि कुरा विना भागवण्डाले हुँदैन, जे पनि उहाँहरु भागवण्डा गर्नुहुन्छ, पार्टीमा जनाधार भएका नेताको वास्ता गरिँदैन, आफ्ना आसेपासेलाई मात्र मौका दिइन्छ ।’  ........  सरकारमा मन्त्री पठाउँदा पनि ठाकुरले पार्टीमा कुनै छलफल नगरी आफूखुशी निर्णय लिएको ........ ‘ओलीलाई साथ नदिएको भए पार्टी विभाजन हुने थिएन, तर उनीहरुले बरु पार्टी विभाजन भए होस् तर ओलीलाई नछाड्ने अडान लिएका कारण पार्टी यो अवस्थामा आएको हो ।’ ......... जसपाका अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादवले पनि गलत गरेको बताउँदै उनले जसरी महन्थ ठाकुरहरुले ओलीका लागि अडान लिए, त्यसरी नै उपेन्द्र यादवले पनि प्रचण्डका लागि अडान लिएको प्रस्ट पारे । दुवैको अडानले गर्दा पार्टीको यो हालत भएको उनको भनाइ छ । ‘दुवैजना एकएक कदम पछाडि हटेको भए पार्टी विभाजनको अवस्थामा पुग्ने थिएन’ .......... त्यसो त, पार्टीलाई विभाजनबाट रोक्नका लागि सांसद प्रमोद साहले सांसदहरुको एउटा भेला गरेर शीर्ष नेतृत्वमाथि दबाब नै दिएका थिए । पार्टी कुनै पनि हालतमा नफुटोस् भनेर केही समय दबाब दिए पनि आफ्नो पक्षमा उभिएका सांसदहरु नै नेताहरुको पछि लाग्न थालेपछि आफूहरुको केही नचलेको उनले बताए ।  

BP Koirala: Inept?

राजाले सीधै अब कि तँ छैनस् कि म भन्दासमेत बीपी भने लाचारीको बिछ्यौनामा बसेर मन्त्रिपरिषद बैठकमै भनिरहेका थिए, ‘त्यसलाई रोक्ने वा प्रतिकार गर्ने हामीसँग कुनै उपाय छैन । यसलाई ब्यहोर्नैपर्छ (कोइराला, उही, पृ. २७३) ।’ उपाय नभएको होइन, बीपीको दीर्घचेतको चश्मा दोषी भएको थियो, सत्तामा अडेस लागेका कारण । पौने दुई वर्षअघि मात्रै प्रचण्ड बहुमत ल्याएर सरकार बनाएका बीपी प्रजातन्त्र नै खाएर महेन्द्रले मनोमानी गर्दै छन् भनेर अनेक मन्त्री, राजनीतिक नेता, कूटनीतिक नियोगका मानिसहरूले भनिरहँदा पनि राजाले केही गर्दैनन्, गरे नै भने पनि पो के नै गर्न सकिन्छ र भन्ने खालको निराशाको जुन खाले चरममा पुगेर आत्मसमर्पण गरिरहेका थिए, त्यसको विकल्पमा सारा पार्टी पंक्ति परिचालन गरेर केही सहरमा सरकारका पक्षमा ठूलठूला प्रदर्शन गराएको भए, त्यसले महेन्द्रको उत्तेजित भइरहेको ‘ढ्याके चश्मा’ को ‘पावर’ घटाइदिने थियो । उसमाथि कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी र गोर्खा परिषदले प्रधानमन्त्री बीपीलाई महेन्द्रले गडबडी गर्न लागे हामी तपाईंकै पक्षमा उभिन्छौं भनेर बलियो ढाडस दिएका थिए । तर, बीपी ढोडजस्तो आत्मबलको भरोसामा उभिएका थिए क्यार, नीच मारेर महेन्द्रको मार थाप्ने घडीको प्रतीक्षा गरिबसे !

२००७ सालमा राजा, राणा र कांग्रेसबीच दिल्लीमा भएको भनिएको सुलहको जुन प्रस्ताव थियो, त्यसमा सशस्त्र युद्धरत नेपाली कांग्रेसको कुनै पनि किसिमको अडान या विचारको प्रतिनिधित्व या संलग्नता थिएन । खासमा पहिले नेहरूले प्रस्ताव गरी त्रिभुवनमार्फत पठाएका बुँदाहरू मोहनशमशेरले आफ्नो हुर्मत जोगाउन नौटंकी गरी सामान्य संशोधनसहित जे घोषणा गरे काठमाडौंमा, त्यसलाई भारतमा शरणार्थी बनेका त्रिभुवनले उतैबाट समर्थन गरे । बेलायत भ्रमणमा रहेका नेहरूले लन्डनबाटै वक्तव्य जारी गरिदिए— नेपालका प्रधानमन्त्रीले राजनीतिक सुधारको जुन घोषणा गरेका छन्, म त्यसको स्वागत गर्छु । कालान्तरमा मोहनशमशेरको त्यही घोषणा अनि त्यसउपर त्रिभुवन र नेहरूको अनुमोदनलाई कांग्रेसले स्वीकार गर्‍यो । ......... यी घटनाहरूले कांग्रेस र यसको नेतृत्वमा जारी सशस्त्र संघर्षको खास अधिकारी दाबी गर्ने बीपी आफ्नो लक्ष्य, विचार, क्रान्तिको आखिरी परिणामको दृढतामा रत्तीभर प्रस्ट थिएनन् भन्ने देखाउँछन् । ....... मोहनशमशेरको नेतृत्वको सरकारबाट राजीनामा दिएपछि बीपी आफ्नै नेतृत्वमा सरकार बन्नेमा ढुक्क थिए । तर बने मातृकाप्रसाद । त्रिभुवन भन्थे— युवराज (महेन्द्र) ले तिमीहरू (बीपी) लाई धुरुधुरु रुवाउँछ । ....... उनकै मन्त्रिपरिषदका सदस्यहरू भन्थे— महेन्द्रले सत्ता लिँदै छन् । मस्तराम बीपी भन्थे— तपाईंसँग के प्रमाण छ ? त्यसै भन्दिने जे पनि ? आफैलाई जेलको छिँंडीमा पटक–पटक सुताउने राजतन्त्रसँग आफ्नो घाँटी जोडिएको भन्छन् बीपी, देशमा खतरा आइलागेको कारण देखाएर । उनको घाँटी जोडिएको राजतन्त्रले उनको बुझाइविपरीत त्यसको थप तीन दशक पनि देशलाई थेग्न सकेन । यसमा पनि बीपीको दृष्टिचेत दोषी देखिन्छ । ....... पुष्पलालले बीपीलाई पञ्चायतविरुद्ध संयुक्त संघर्षको प्रस्ताव राखेका थिए । २०३० को त्यस्तै प्रस्तावबारे बीपीले सारनाथमा जवाफ दिए पुष्पलाललाई, ‘नेपालका कम्युनिस्टहरूसँग मिलेर जाँदा मलाई गाह्रो हुन्छ । जानु त पर्ने हो, पर्खनुस् ....... बरु पुष्पलालले भनेझैं बीपीले संयुक्त संघर्ष अस्वीकार गरेको सोह्र वर्षपछि कांग्रेस–कम्युनिस्ट संयुक्त आन्दोलनका कारण, बीपीको सरकार बरखास्त गरी महेन्द्रले लादेको पञ्चायत बिदा भयो । बरु पुष्पलालमा देशको राजनीतिको दूरदृष्टि देखिन्छÙ वैचारिक दृढता र दीर्घकालीन कार्यक्रम देखिन्छ । संविधानसभा, गणतन्त्रजस्ता जुन कार्यक्रम उनी नेतृत्वको कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीले अघि सारेको थियो, समय लाग्यो, तर देशले त्यहाँ नपुगी धरै पाएन । यस्तो थियो, बीपीको राजनीतिक चेतको दृष्टिदोष । ........ कांग्रेसको बहुमत आउँछ भन्ने निश्चित लागेको भए सम्भवतः महेन्द्रले चुनावै गराउने थिएनन् । त्यसैको परीक्षण गर्न उनी चुनावको घोषणाअघि देश दौडाहामा निस्किएका थिए । काठमाडौं, थानसिंह बेसी, नुवाकोट, सामरी भन्ज्याङ, कटुन्जे, ज्यामरुङ, दरबुङ फाँट, मनकामना, गोरखा बजार, पालुङटार, बन्दीपुर, दमौली, पोखरा, पश्चिम नुवाकोट, भीरकोट, गह्रौंकोट, तानसेन, खस्यौली, तौलिहवा हुँदै नेपालगन्ज, दाङ लगायत पुगेका थिए उनी । तत्तत् स्थानका कर्मचारी र सुरक्षा निकाय, गोर्खा परिषदसम्बद्ध नेताहरूसँगको कुराकानीबाट महेन्द्र कांग्रेसको बहुमत आउँदैन भन्ने निश्चयमा पुगेका थिए । त्यही भ्रमणका क्रममा हो, महेन्द्रले तौलिहवामा काठमाडौंलाई नेपाल नभन्नू, मेचीदेखि महाकालीलाई नेपाल भन्नू, राजधानीलाई काठमाडौं मात्रै भन्नू भनेर भाषण गरेको । उनलाई निकटस्थहरूले चुनावमा कसैको पनि बहुमत आउँदैन भनेर कान फुकेका थिए ............. महेन्द्रले कथं बीपीले चुनाव जितिहाले, कसरीआफ्नो हात माथि पार्ने भन्ने खेललाई आकार दिइसकेका थिए, संविधानमा आफूअनुकूल प्रावधानहरू राखेर । २००७ सालको परिवर्तनपछि ‘नेपाल सरकार’ लेख्ने गरिएकामा २०१५ वैशाख २ देखि महेन्द्रले ‘श्री ५ को सरकार’ लेख्ने आदेश जारी गराएका थिए । सेनाआफ्नो मातहत रहने मात्रै होइन, संसदमा राजपरिवारबारे छलफल गर्न नपाइने, संकटकालीन अधिकार राजाले प्रयोग गर्ने र त्यसलाई संसदबाट अनुमोदन गर्न नपर्ने प्रावधान संविधानमा उल्लेख गरिएका थिए । आसन्न चुनावको सम्भावित बहुमतको ज्वरोले ग्रस्त बीपीको दोषी चश्माले महेन्द्रको चतुर्‍याइँको तस्बिर प्रस्टसँग देख्न सकेन । फलस्वरूप पुस १ मा महेन्द्रले आफूसँग रहेको त्यही विशेषाधिकार प्रयोग गरेर प्रजातन्त्र सिद्ध्याइदिए । ......... भ्रष्टाचारको विरोध र सुशासनको हौवा पिटाएर शिशु प्रजातन्त्रको जननिर्वाचित डेढवर्षे सरकारलाई बलात् जेलको बाटो देखाएका महेन्द्रबारे उनैले टीका लगाएर प्रधानमन्त्री बनाएका डा. केआई सिंहले बडो कठोर टिप्पणी गरेका थिए— मेरो पालामा भ्रष्टाचार निर्मूल पारूँ भनी त्यसको मूल खोज्दै गएँ । जाँदा–जाँदा म त राजदरबारको मूलढोकामै पो पुगेंँ । जुन दिन त्यहाँ पुगेँं, मैले मेरो मन्त्रिमण्डल विघटन भएको सुन्नुपर्‍यो .............. महेन्द्रलाई लाग्थ्यो— सबै शक्ति हातमा लिएर, विरोधीहरूलाई तह लगाएर प्रयास गरियो भने देश विकास त चुट्कीको भरमा गर्न सकिहालिन्छ । बीपीले बित्थामा दुई वर्ष मलाई गाली गरेर निखारे । तर, जब सत्ता हातमा लिएर उनी अघि बढे, २०२२ तिरदेखि नै उनी अब पार लाग्दैन भन्नेमा पुगिसकेका थिए । जीवनको आखिरी कालमा आफूनिकट भएकाहरू सबै स्वार्थवश आफूसँग नजिकिएको, प्रजातन्त्रको विकल्पले गतिलो परिणाम नदिएको र बीपीको दाँजोमा उभिने अर्को मानिस आफूले नदेखेको बताउन थालेका थिए । ........ प्रधानमन्त्री बनाएर दुनियाँलाई देखाउन बीपीभन्दा योग्य मानिस मसँग कोही छैन । .......

२००३ माघ १२–१३ मा कलकत्ताको भवानीपुरस्थित खालसा हाइस्कुलमा भएको अखिल भारतीय नेपाली राष्ट्रिय कांग्रेस (पछि नेपाली कांग्रेस) को सम्मेलनको समापन समारोहमा बीपीले भनेका थिए— ‘वास्तवमा नेपाल र भारत दुई देश हैनन् । सबै प्रकारले नेपाल भारतवर्षको एउटा अंग भएको देखिन्छ

........ तिनै बीपी २०३३ साल पुस १६ मा मेलमिलापको नीति लिएर स्वदेश फर्किएपछिअसाधारण देशभक्तका रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुन्छन् । ..... बीपीमा नजिकको घटनाक्रम र त्यसले ल्याउने परिणामबारे सुझबुझ राख्नमा दृष्टिदोष देखिन्छ । तात्कालिक घटनाक्रमले जता लतार्‍यो, उतै लतारिने प्रवृत्ति देखिन्छ उनमा । ....... आफ्नै निर्वाचित सरकारसम्म जोगाउन नसक्ने, राजाका षड्यन्त्रहरूको सामना गरेर त्यसलाई विफल बनाउन नसक्ने, सेनाको लोकतान्त्रीकरणको होस सैन्य–बन्दी बनेपछि मात्र आउने, संविधानसभाको युगीन आवाजलाई संसदीय चुनावसँग साटफेर गर्ने, सत्तामा छँदा अरूमाथि दमन गर्ने बीपी कमजोरीको उत्तिकै अग्लो रासमा उभिएका छन् । ........ महेन्द्रमा भने तत्कालीन समयलाई देख्न सक्ने नजिकको दृष्टि तेज देखिन्छ भने आफ्ना कदमले ल्याउन सक्ने दीर्घकालीन असर खुट्याउन सक्ने क्षमता कमजोर ।

Federalism: Unfinished Business In Nepal

The republic has been established, a basic democracy has been established, but the federalism in Nepal is in name only. Federalism in Nepal today feels like democracy in 1988. It is unfinished business. A cosmetic federalism has been enshrined in the constitution, but even that limited federalism is thwarted by the state in practice every step of the way.

The Nepali Congress that held sway over the country from 1990 to 2005 and the Nepal Communist Party that has become the new status quo both are inherently anti-federalist forces. Their commitment to federalism can be compared to the commitment of the royalist party RPP to democracy. It is in name only. They never wanted it, and so worked in tandem to dilute it as much as possible. The fascist suppression of the Madhesi uprising after the unfair constitution was promulgated is a wound in history that is still gaping. The NC and the NCP are the very reason Nepal has been denied genuine federalism. Only when they are downsized into oblivion will Nepal see federalism the way it was meant to be.

The party that is in the best position to lead Nepal to that promised federalism right now is the Samajwadi Party that was formed when Upendra Yadav and Baburam Bhattarai joined forces. It also has illustrious leaders like Ashok Rai and Rajendra Shrestha. Other parties with similar commitments to social justice have to do the math and realize it is in unification with the Samajwadi Party that victory lies. The immediate candidates for unification are the Mahanth Thakur led Rashtriya Janata Party, the CK Raut led Janmat Party and the independent political group led by Hridayesh Tripathy. They all are mass-based. There are also smaller parties, many of them Janajati, that are ripe candidates for unification. If this unification can be brought about over the next two years, the party that emerges will be in a good position to sweep the 22 districts in the Terai. The magic of doing that is that then you force the NC and the NCP to compete with each other in the Pahad. The Samajwadi Party's 10 state proposal, explained well, will see it do well also in the Pahad among the Janajati groups.

It would be unrealistic to think the NC and the NCP might get wiped out. But if they are only sufficiently downsized that will force them to change tack. They might then support the constitutional amendments that will give Nepal genuine federalism.

Before the leaders ask the people for sacrifice, they should be willing to do their own internal homework. For the federalists in Nepal, that homework is the work of party unification.

समावेशिताबाट मात्र समृद्धि https://t.co/up9yukPvS8

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

अब आन्दोलनमा जान्छौँ https://t.co/jam9RI4Q6U

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

Politics of marginalization https://t.co/2Fc3CXdcQG

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

विपक्ष क्या होता है, भारतीय लोकतंत्र को पहली बार यह बताने वाले राम मनोहर लोहिया ही थे https://t.co/FWIoLksXWc via @satyagrahnews

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

Money Moved, Value Created https://t.co/YS6qahAsUP @raypaxful @paxful @skyzer4ever @msantoriESQ @ChrisConeyInt

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

The Underbanked And The Blockchain https://t.co/gQCgQTE9pN @blockchain @Cointelegraph @CocosBCX @goBLOCKCON @coindesk @AskBlockchain @celiaszadeh @bchaininsider @calblockchain @rashmiranjan @ibm @howardlindzon @nycbigapps @anoopkansupada @ibmblockchain @teedubya @chainleak

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

प्रदेश सफल र असफलको फैसला त तब मात्र गर्न सकिन्छ, जब उसलाई अधिकार सम्पन्न बनाएर काम गर्न दिइन्छ । काम गर्न दिए पो मूल्यांकन गर्ने, कामै गर्न नदिएपछि मुल्यांकन गर्न पाइन्छ त ? @dipjhahttps://t.co/LYm8lwFrAo

— Naya Patrika (@NAYA_PATRIKA) July 7, 2019

आरक्षणको अपहरण https://t.co/p9jiPSBmck

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

Federalism: Unfinished Business In Nepal https://t.co/SN7FNRRDft @brb1954 @khardobad @tulashah @JpanandaJp @ramNewYork @dipjha @prashantktm @bpsah91 @digitalsubway @upendrayadavjee @rajendra20161 @madheshuk @surendramadhesi @drckraut @madheshvani @HimaliniNepal @Online_khabar

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 18, 2019

सरकार निकम्मा भइसक्यो : राजेन्द्र महतो, नेता राजपा https://t.co/yugu9OASs3 via @YouTube

— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) July 19, 2019