अमेरिका को मधेसी संगठन एण्टा का संस्थापक अध्यक्ष रतन झा को अहिले सम्म को सबैभन्दा मैले सम्झिने कुरा फेसबुक मार्फ़त मलाई यो पुस्तक सम्म पुर्याइदिएको। एउटा स्टेटस थियो यो पुस्तक दुई वर्ष अगाडि। मैले पुस्तक देखें, किनें, पढ़ें। रतन जी भन्दा पहिला पढ़ि सकाएं। दफा दफा मा लाइन मुनि धर्को कोरी कोरी।
राष्ट्रनिर्माण मा ली गोल्ड स्टैण्डर्ड नै हो। र आर्थिक प्रगति मात्र होइन। बिभिन्न। जस्तो कि दंगा रोकथाम। थुप्रै। लगभग प्रत्येक पक्ष। स्वास्थ्य बीमा। होम ओनरशीप (Home Ownership)।
मैले हीरो मानेको ली। ली ले हीरो मानेको डेंग। डेंग बारे को किताब पनि पढ़ें। चिनिया राजनीतिक प्रणाली बारे धेरै कुरा थाहा भो। ली ले हीरो किन मानेको भन्ने पनि देखें। आर्थिक नेपोलियन नै हो डेंग। सांस्कृतिक क्रांति का दौरान डेंग को छोरा लाई प्यारलाइज हुने गरी पिटपाट गरिएको। डेंग आफै हाउस अरेस्ट मा।
चीन लाई एउटा अर्को डेंग चाहिएको हो। सी ले चीन लाई मिडल इनकम ट्रैप मा लगेर थन्क्याएको अवस्था छ। डेंग ले आर्थिक सुधार गरे। राजनीतिक सुधार पछि गर्ने भनेका। त्यो समय त अब आइसक्यो।
नेपाल लाई सिंगापुर बनाउने कुरा कृष्ण प्रसाद भट्टराई को समय देखि भनिदै आएको कुरा हो। त्यो कुरा ली कुआन यु लाई सुनाएको भए, हामी सानोतिनो टापु देश, बरु तिम्रो भुमि हामीसँग भए हामी धन्य हुन्थ्यौँ भन्थे होला। नेपाल लाई सिंगापुर बनाउने कुरा अजीब हो। तर सिंगापुर को अनुभव बाट नेपाल ले सिक्न सक्ने कुरा धेरै छ।
नेपाल गरीब देश। गरीबी अनिवार्य होइन। सही र उचित राजनीतिक र आर्थिक बाटो नेपाल धनी देश बन्न सक्छ। त्यस आर्थिक क्रांति को लागि नभै नहुने भनेको शिक्षा हो। तर शिक्षा भनेको साक्षरता, बीए एमए पीएचडी मात्र होइन। शिक्षा भनेको डॉक्टर इंजीनियर मात्र होइन। शिक्षा लाई संस्कार बाट छुट्याउने भुल गर्नु हुँदैन। शिक्षा र आर्थिक प्रगति को नाममा भएको संस्कार पनि गुमाउनु हुँदैन। स्वास्थ ख़राब गरेर धनी बन्ने अनि पैसा खर्च गरेर फेरि स्वस्थ हुने प्रयास जस्तो गोलचक्कर मा समाज लाई फँसाउनु हुँदैन। विवेक पुर्याएर आर्थिक विकास गर्नुपर्छ।
ईश्वरको अराधना गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने कुरा संस्कारले हो सिकाउने। आमा बुवा को आदर गर्ने कुरा संस्कारले सिकाउने कुरा हो। प्रकृति सँग सामंजस्य मिलाएर बस्ने कुरा संस्कारले सिकाउँछ। तर ईश्वर, मातापिता अथवा पृथ्वी कुनै पनि आर्थिक विकासको बाधक होइन। तीन वटै ले आर्थिक विकास संभव बनाउने हो। अर्थपुर्ण आर्थिक प्रगति।
आर्थिक क्रांति को कुरा आखिर जीडीपी को कुरा हो। प्रति व्यक्ति आय। नापतौल गर्न सकिने नितांत भौतिक कुरा। आफ्नो राजनीतिक क्रांति लाई गन्तव्यमा पुर्याएर, भ्रष्टाचारलाई नियंत्रण गरेर आधार तैयार गर्ने हो भने चीनले ३० वर्षमा गरेको कुरा नेपालले २० वर्षमा गर्न सक्छ। अहिलेको दुनियाको दुई सबैभन्दा डायनामिक अर्थतंत्र नै चीन र भारत। छेउ कै बंगलादेश नै १० वर्षमा कहाँ बाट कहाँ पुगिसक्यो। त्यो जीडीपी वाला कुरामा निर्णायक फैक्टर हो शिक्षा। नेपाल लाई एक लाख सेना, एक लाख सशस्त्र प्रहरी, एक लाख प्रहरी चाहिँदैन। तर नेपाल लाई तीन लाख शिक्षक पनि अपुग हो। शिक्षकले नभ्याएको डिजिटल टेक्नोलॉजी ले गर्न सक्छ। धनी देशका औद्योगिक क्रांति का लागि बनाइएका स्कुल हरु अहिलेको ज्ञान अर्थतंत्र (knowledge economy) का लागि अनुपयुक्त मात्र होइन प्रत्युत्पादक पनि हो। सगरमाथा को उचाई मैले घोक्नु जरूरी छैन, त्यो त मलाई गुगल ले एक सेकंड मा भन्दिन्छ। तर बिभिन्न विषयमा सोचने काम मैले आफैले गर्नुपर्छ। सोचविचार गर्ने (critical thinking), क्रियाशीलता (creative thinking), टीम संचालन (team building) जस्ता कुरा निकै महत्वपुर्ण हुन जान्छन।
शिक्षा को क्षेत्रमा क्रांतिकारी रफ्तारमा सर्वव्यापी काम गर्नुपर्छ आजको सरकार हरुले। साक्षरता को परिभाषा आफैमा एउटा बोटलनेक हो। लेखपढ मा सीमित राख्न सकिँदैन। बोल्ने र सुन्ने स्तरमा नै सम्पुर्ण शिक्षा दिने र लिने वातावरण कस्तो होला? त्यस तर्फ पनि सोच्नुपर्छ।
नेपाल मा अहिले अब आएर सबैभन्दा ठुलो राजनीतिक मुद्दा नै भ्रष्टाचार हो। त्यो आर्थिक प्रगतिभन्दा पनि ठुलो मुद्दा यस मानेमा हो कि भ्रष्टाचारको निर्णायक नियंत्रण बिना द्रुत गतिको आर्थिक प्रगति संभव नै छैन। भ्रष्टाचार देशमा यति व्यापक र यति गहिरो छ कि समाजको आधारभुत चरित्र नै क्षय हुँदै जाने अवस्था छ। त्यो भनेको निजी क्षेत्र को पनि चरित्र स्खलन हुँदै जानु हो। यो भ्रष्टाचारको मुद्दा लाई कति दरो सँग समातिन्छ त्यो देशको राजनीतिमा सक्रिय बिभिन्न खिलाड़ी हरुमा भर पर्छ।
कर्मचारीले तलब त जुन देशमा पनि खान्छ। राजनीतिक पार्टी चलाउन पैसा खर्च हुन्छ। त्यो चीनमा पनि हुन्छ र अमेरिकामा पनि हुन्छ। त्यस्तो खर्च कानुन को दायरा भित्र ल्याएर पनि भ्रष्टाचार को आरोप लाग्छ। ठुला कंपनी ले नेता ख़रीदयो भन्ने आरोप लाग्छ। र भ्रष्टाचार भनेको शायद अपराध जस्तो हो। पुर्ण रूपले शायद समाप्त गर्न सकिँदैन। तर अहिले नेपालमा भ्रष्टाचार भनेको लोकस्ट ले आकाश छोपेको अवस्था छ।
भ्रष्टाचार लाई गाली को रुपमा प्रयोग गर्न सकिन्छ जुन कि कांग्रेस र कम्युनिस्ट ले गर्दै आएका छन। सत्ता बाहिर जाना साथ अर्कोलाई गाली गर्ने। सत्तामा पुगेपछि तैं चुप मैं चुप। तर यो वास्तवमा निर्दल बहुदल, अथवा राजतन्त्र गणतंत्र को तहको मुद्दा बनाउन सकिन्छ। र त्यो गर्ने उपयुक्त ठाउँमा छन सीके राउत र तिनको जनमत पार्टी। नया पार्टी हो। कहिले सत्तामा गएको छैन। संगठन विस्तारमा दिन दुना रात चौगुना को अवस्था छ। तर मुद्दा दरो सँग समातेर सफल किसिमले डोर्याए संगठन आफसेआफ बन्छ। बहुदल आएपछि कांग्रेस को संगठन रातोरात गाउँ गाउँ मा फैलियो। आफै। गणतंत्र आएपछि माओवादी देशको नंबर एक पार्टी बन्यो। कटुवाल प्रकरणमा नअल्झिएर दुई वर्षमा संविधान दिएको भए टिक्थ्यो पनि शायद।
भ्रष्टाचारको चीरफाड़ (यो सॉफ्टवेयर ले ह्रस्व दीर्घ राम्रो जान्दैन)
देशमा भ्रष्टाचार हुनुको प्रमुख कारण हो जुन पैसा खाइन्छ त्यो आम जनतालाई आफ्नो पैसा हो जस्तो नै लाग्दैन। देशको बजेट प्रति जनताको अपनत्व नहुनुले नै भ्रष्टाचार संभव भएको हो। त्यस का लागि पनि र तुरुन्त गरीबी समाप्त गर्न का लागि पनि न्युनतम आम्दानी को अवधारणा मा जानुपर्छ। देशको प्रत्येक नागरिकलाई डिजिटल आधारसम्म पुर्याउने र आम्दानी का हिसाबले तल्लो ४०% जनता लाई सीधा मासिक पैसा दिने। अहिले दिएको वृद्ध भत्ता प्रत्येक गरीब नागरिक लाई। गरीबी तुरन्त समाप्त गर्नुपर्छ। तीन करोड़ को करले तीन लाख लाई तलब खुवाउनु समस्या हो। नेपाल सेना लाई गृह युद्ध अगाडि को अवस्था मा झार्नु पर्छ। ३०,००० ले पुग्छ। गृह युद्ध अगाडि सशस्त्र थिएन। सशस्त्र डिस्बैण्ड गर्नु पर्छ। सरकारी सेवा लाई मोबाइल फोन फोन मा पुर्याएर सरकारी कर्मचारी दुई तिहाई सम्म कटौती गर्नुपर्छ। यो न्युनतम आम्दानी डिजिटल बाटो सीधा बैंक खातामा जानुपर्छ। बिचौलिया कर्मचारी चाहियेन। देशको बजेटको एक तिहाई यसमा झोक्न सकिन्छ। बाटोघाटो भन्दा जनता बढ़ी महत्वपुर्ण हो। संतुलित आहार सबैले खान पाउनु परयो।
भ्रष्टाचारको समाधान र विधिको विधान
भ्रष्टाचारको कुरा हुँदा चरित्रको कुरा बढ़ी हुन्छ। नराम्रो मान्छेले भ्रष्टाचार गर्छ, म राम्रो मान्छे, मलाई चुन। भने पछि गलत मान्छे चुन्ने जनता दोषी। चरित्र महत्वपुर्ण त हो तर भ्रष्टाचार टैकल गर्ने नेताले पालिसी लेवल मा गफ गर्नुपर्छ। नेपालमा अख्तियार ले भ्रष्टाचारी समात्ने भन्दा पनि पैसा र पावर को लेनदेन मा ठुलो माछा उम्काउने काम गर्छ। भन्नैपर्छ, नेपालमा अख्तियार ले भ्रष्टाचारको मलजल गर्ने काम गरेको छ। पुलिस चोर भएको अवस्था। भ्रष्टाचारी लाई अख्तियार को डंडा देखाएर पैसा असुल्ने। यो हफ्ता बसुलने काम नै हो। पुलिस नै चोर भए पछि जनता कहाँ जाने? बहुदल आए पछि कृष्ण प्रसाद भट्टराई अपवाद हो। होइन भने "लोकतंत्र का लागि" भनेर गिरिजा ठेकेदार हरु लाई ठेक्का दिने र पैसा माग्ने काम गर्थे।
जनताको पैसा ठेकेदार लाई र ठेकेदार को पैसा नेता र पार्टी र कार्यकर्ता लाई। "काम गराईदिने" भन्दै सत्ताधारी पार्टी का कार्यकर्ता पैसा उठाउँछन। त्यो एउटा उद्योग नै हो। नेपालमा १०,००० मानिसको एउटा क्लास नै निर्माण भएको छ। बेतलबी हुन तर लाइफस्टाइल बड़ा गजबको छ। त्यो अवस्था रहिरहेसम्म चुनाव भनेको नौटंकी हो। पालैपिलो कांग्रेस र कम्युनिस्ट ले ब्रम्हलूट मच्चाउने हो। रिवॉल्विंग डोर को नाटक। त्यही भएर त देउबा तीन वर्ष देखि गायब छन। देशमा विपक्षी नेता नै नभएको अवस्था।
भ्रष्टाचार हुने अर्को प्रमुख तरिका हो बजेट पास गर्ने, १० महिना केही नगर्ने, अनि खर्च त गर्नैपर्यो भनेर सबैले मिलेर गरलयंगुरलुम। यो कर्मचारीतंत्रमा कैंसर जस्तो छ। र यसले उपत्यका को एकाउंटिंग इंडस्ट्री को राम्रो कमाइ पनि हुन्छ। कागजमा चिरिच्याँट्ट मिलाइदिने।
यो ठेकेदार नेता नेक्सस र कर्मचारीतंत्र भ्रष्टाचार का लागि महेन्द्र राष्ट्रवाद र ओली राष्ट्रवाद भनेको नभई नहुने कुरा। जनता सजिलै डिस्ट्रैक्ट हुने। अँग्रेजीमा एउटा कहावत छ: फॉलो द मनी।
कृष्ण प्रसाद भट्टराई को थियो, मैं खाउंगा तो सिर्फ अपने सुराही का पानी, लेकिन तुम जी भरके खाओ, हमें तो पता भी नहीं चलता। भारतमा मनमोहन सिंह पनि त्यस्तै। आफु चाहिं मिस्टर क्लीन। तर वरिपरि फोहर डुंग डुंग। मोदी को छ, खुद भी नहीं खाउंगा, तुझे भी खाने नहीं दुंगा। सही मान्छे पदमा पुग्नुले ठुलो फरक पार्छ। तर अंततः त्यो सही मान्छेले पनि पालिसी लेवल को समाधान नै दिन सक्नुपर्छ।
पुर्ण पारदर्शिता। ठेक्कापट्टा लिने दिने काम पुर्ण पारदर्शी बनाइनुपर्छ। पारदर्शी प्रतिस्प्रधात्मक प्रणाली। टेंडर भरने सब ऑनलाइन।
भ्रष्टाचार नियंत्रण गर्ने देश हरु सबले सरकारी तलब खाने प्रत्येक व्यक्ति (नेता देखि कर्मचारी, पुलिस सैनिक सबै) को संपत्ति र आम्दानी को पुर्ण विवरण सरकार लाई बुझाउनु पर्ने व्यवस्था गरेको हुन्छ।
राजनीतिक पार्टीको पैसा
पहिलो कदम पारदर्शिता। तर नेपालमा त सूटकेस मा आउँछ। काला धन। नेपालमा पनि एक पटक नोटबंदी गर्नुपर्ने पो हो कि? व्यक्ति र कंपनी ले नेता र पार्टी लाई दिने पैसामा हदबंदी पनि गरिनुपर्छ।
ली कुआन यु पहिलो पटक सिंगापुर को प्रधान मंत्री बंदा त्यहाँ पनि बिहारी स्टाइल को भ्रष्टाचार नै थियो। हवलदार लाई एउटा बीड़ी भए पनि दिनुपर्ने। उसले गरेर देखाईदियो। कसरी गर्यो आफ्नो किताबमा लेखेको छ।
मोदी पहिलो पटक प्रधान मंत्री बन्दा भाजपा दुनियाको सबैभन्दा ठुलो राजनीतिक पार्टी थिएन। केही बर्षमा बन्यो। कसरी बन्यो? मिस्ड कॉल को आधारमा। भाजपा को सदस्य बन्न चाहने ले कृपया यस नम्बर मा मिस्ड कॉल हान्नुस भनेर व्यापक प्रचार गरियो। फ़ोन कॉल गर्ने जति लाई पहिले कॉल बैक गरेर उसको सम्पुर्ण जानकारी लिइन्छ, अनि जहाँको मान्छे हो त्यहाँको स्थानीय कार्यकर्ता एक जना घर मैं भेट्न आइपुग्छ। त्यो वडा समिति को काम हो। अझ बुथ समिति सम्म कुरा पुग्छ। किनभने चुनाव भनेको बुथ बुथ मा लडिने कुरा हो। जनमत पार्टी ले यसरी मिस्ड कॉल को आधारमा पार्टी सदस्य संख्या १० लाख पुर्याउन सक्छ कि सक्दैन? सच्चा क्रांति त्यहाँ छ।
विचारको प्रवाह: दुईतर्फी
माथि बाट पार्टी अध्यक्ष अथवा केंद्रीय समिति को विचार एकतरफा स्थानीय स्तर सम्म पुर्याउनु संगठन को एक मात्र काम हो भनी सोच्ने संगठन रसातलमा पुग्छ। विचार प्रवाह दुईतर्फा हुनुपर्छ। साधारण कार्यकर्ता को आवाज केन्द्रीय नेतृत्व सम्म व्यवस्थित ढङ्गले पुर्याउनु पार्टी संगठनको प्रमुख काम हो। बुथ कमिटी अथवा वडा कमिटी भेला हुँदा एजेंडा तय गर्ने देखि लिएर सबै ले पालै पिलो बोल्ने, बोलिएको कुराको माइन्यूट टिपोट गर्ने एक जना राख्ने र त्यो लिखित दस्तावेज एक कदम माथि पुर्याउने प्रक्रिया निरंतर हुनुपर्छ। आफु सदस्य रहेको कमिटी मा प्रत्येकले निर्धक्क बोल्ने संस्कृति को विकास गरिनुपर्छ। त्यो नै सशक्तिकरण हो। एकतरफा केंद्र देखि स्थानीय सुचना प्रवाह ले एकांगी, तानाशाही, र असहिष्णु संगठन पैदा हुने डर हुन्छ। एकतरफा सुचना प्रवाह गर्ने संगठन ओरालो लागेको संगठन हो।
प्रविधि को सुगन्ध: मोबाइल, सोलर, ऑर्गनिक
जनमत पार्टी को कार्यकर्ता को स्मार्टफोन माओवादीको जनयुद्ध ताका को बन्दुक हो। यो बन्दुक कुनै पनि चरणमा बिसाउनु पर्ने छैन। स्मार्टफोन को भरपुर प्रयोगमा जनमत पार्टी देशको एक नंबर पार्टी बन्छ भने यो देशकै नंबर एक पार्टी बन्छ। त्यति शक्ति छ स्मार्टफोन मा। माओले भनेको, शक्ति बन्दुकको नोकबाट निस्कन्छ। आज शक्ति स्मार्टफोन को बाटो आउँछ र प्रवाह हुन्छ। घरमा फोर जी (4G) छ भने घरमा दुनिया छ। घरमैं कतार, घरमै अमेरिका। घरमैं काठमाण्डु। स्कुल, कॉलेज, काम सब थोक छ फोर जी (4G) मा।
नेपालमा लिच्छवि काल फर्किने भनेको सोलर को बाटो हो।
नेपालमा शहरीकरण भैरहेको छ, भारतमा। धान खेती भन्दा तरकारी खेती बढ़ी फाइदाजनक हो। मधेसको तरकारी खेतीले कतार को ज्यालादारी काम लाई माथ गर्छ आमदानी आर्जन मा।
प्रवासको आभाष: डबल ब्रेन गेन
ब्रेन ड्रेन भनेको अंग्रेज ले सिकाएको भाषा। कोही मान्छे जब देशबाट विदेश जान्छ त्यो ब्रेन गेन हो। विदेशमा सिकेका कुरा उसले या त वापस लौटेर अथवा इंटरनेट को बाटो प्रवाह गर्छ त्यो पनि ब्रेन गेन हो। अर्थात डबल ब्रेन गेन। प्रवासी नेपाली प्रत्येक ले मोबाइल फ़ोन को बाटो भोट खसाल्न पाउनुपर्छ। भारत पनि प्रवास नै हो। जनमत पार्टी को खाड़ी को जस्तो संगठन दुनिया भर विस्तार गर्नुपर्छ। त्यो प्रवासी संगठन पार्टी को एटीएम मशीन हो।
संगठन, सत्ता, थप संगठन, थप सत्ता
निर्दल र बहुदल। राजतन्त्र र गणतंत्र। कति सारहो स्पष्ट फरक! अहिले भ्रष्टाचार को मुद्दामा जनमत पार्टी ले त्यति नै स्पष्ट सन्देश दिन सक्नुपर्छ। त्यो दिएको मैले देखेको पनि छु। यदुकोहा (मेरो एक जना फुफु बसेको गाउँ) जसलाई अचेल शहीदनगर भनिन्छ मा सीके ले आम सभा मा बोलेको वीडियो मैले यूट्यूब मा हेरें। मंच तल बाट एक जनाले बांगो टिन्गो खिँचेर अपलोड गरेको। त्यहाँ नै छ त्यो स्पष्टता। तपाइँको ग्रामपालिका को बजेट यति। बराबर बाँडी मात्र दिने हो भने एक परिवारलाई यति। तर त्यसको हिसाबकिताब तपाईंलाई दिएको छैन कसैले। स्थानीय चुनावमा स्वीप गर्ने फोर्मुला नै त्यही हो। मधेसका २२ जिल्लामा त्यसका आधारमा स्वीप गर्ने, अनि राम्रो काम गरेको आधारमा एक वर्ष जमेर संगठन निर्माण गर्ने। किनभने लक्ष्य त काठमाण्डु हो। लिच्छवि ले कमला किनारमा कैंपिंग गरेको होइन।
भारतीयता त मेरो जातीयता हो। म भारतीय त जन्मले नै हो। प्रशांत तामांग नेपाली, म भारतीय। संविधान सभा ले मधेसी लाई समानता को अनुभूति दिने संविधान देशमा ल्याउँछ अनि म पहिलो पटक नेपाली बन्छु भनेको त, it did not happen. नेपाल राज्य (स्टेट) सँग को राजनीतिक सम्बन्ध स्थापित हुन्छ कि भनेको भएन। अब संविधान संसोधन को झिनो संभावना छ। संभावना छ भनेर पनि कसरी भन्ने? संविधान संसोधन गर्दिन भन्ने मान्छे ले देशको नेतृत्व गरेको छ।
कि मधेसीले समानता पाऊँछ कि मधेस देश बन्छ। देश टुट्छ भनेर नभनौं। देश जहाँ छ त्यहाँ पो टुट्छ भन्ने हो। मधेस मा त कुनै पनि देश नै छैन, न नेपाल छ, न भारत छ, न मधेस छ। मधेसी लाई समान नदेख्ने संविधान कागजको खोस्टो हो। झंडा कपड़ा हो। सीमाना त त्यो गायब पार्नु पर्ने सीमाना हो। मधेस अलग देश नबने पनि गायब पार्नु पर्ने सीमाना नै हो त्यो।
चेकोस्लोवाकिया दुई टुकड़ा भयो। कुनै ठुलो कुरा होइन। मलेशिया र सिंगापुर एक देश भएर बस्न सकेनन्। सिंगापुर का लाई मधेसी लाई जस्तै दोस्रो दर्जा को नागरिक भएर बस भनेका हुन मलेशिया का मानिसले।
सिंगापुर को विकास देखेर अनि त्यस बाट सिकेका डेंग सयाओपिंग ले। मलेशिया बाट सिंगापुर अलग नभएको भए चीन आज विश्व शक्ति नबनने। शायद भारत को उसी तरह मधेस अलग देश की जरुरत है।
नारायण काजी श्रेष्ठ गोरखा को हो तर गोर्खाली होइन, जनजाति हो, नेवार हो। नारायण मान बिजुक्छे र नारायण काजी श्रेष्ठ ले "राष्ट्रियता" को सबक एउटै पाठशाला मा एउटै पुस्तक बाट पढेको। महेंद्र माला।
चीन गएर हामीलाई चाहिएको मध्ये ४०% तेल देउ भनेर मागेछ। ४० किन? १००% किन नमागेको? किनभने तराई लाई तेल सप्लाई गर्न चाहदैन यो माले-मसाले-मंडले सरकार। मधेसी ले आंदोलन गर्ने दुस्साहस जुन गरेको छ।
चीन ले तेल व्यापारिक हिसाबले दिन मिल्छ भन्यो। अर्थात हामीले subsidize गर्दैनौं भनेको डिप्लोमेटिक भाषामा। अर्थात हाम्रो बाटो महँगो पर्छ भन्ने संकेत हो। तर खस अहंकारवादी को कान सुन्दैन। नारायण काजी नेवार हो तर खस अहंकारवादी। त्यस्तो पनि हुन्छ। तीन बाहुन दल मा हुन्छ, अनुहारले मधेसी हुन्छ, तर आइडियोलॉजी ले खस अहंकारवादी। जस्तो कि राम वरण। बिद्या। पुरुषवादी। समानता खोज्ने मधेसी र महिला का लागि काँग्रेस एमाले मा ठाउँ नै हुँदैन।
ब्रिटेन भारत, पाकिस्तान बंगलादेश, मलेशिया सिंगापुर। मधेस अब अलग देश बन्छ। राम वरण ले सही नगर्नु पर्ने ठाउँ मा सही गर्छ अनि मधेस अलग देश बन्छ अब। नेपाल खाल्डो थियो, खाल्डो बनाएर छाडिदिन्छौं हामी। मधेस देश बन्छ, अनि लिम्बुवान, किरात, शेर्पा प्रदेश, तमसलिंग, तमुवान, मगरात पनि अलग देश बनेको खण्डमा हामी एउटा महाभारत नामको Confederation बनाउने उच्च ऑफर गर्नेछौं।
कमसेकम हिंसा को बाटो अख्तियार गर्नु पर्छ। र यो जातीय राज्य बन्न लागेको होइन। यो २१ औं शताब्दी मा जन्मेको विश्व कै नंबर एक संविधान भएको देश बन्न लागेको हो।
मलेशिया को प्रति व्यक्ति आय भन्दा सिंगापुर को प्रति व्यक्ति आय धेरै अगाडि छ। मधेस त्यसरी नै अगाडि हुनेछ। किनभने सबै नागरिक बीच समानता देख्ने राज्य ले कोही सानो कोही ठुलो देख्ने राज्य लाई सधैं उछिन्छ। हामी मधेस लाई र महाभारत Confederation लाई २० वर्ष भित्र मा विकसित देश बनाउँछौं।
जनक का संतति ले आर्थिक क्रांति सुत्र को नंबर एक कुरा शिक्षा हो भन्ने बुझेसम्म हामी फड्को मार्छौं।
ली कुऑन यु ले नचाहँदा नचाहँदै मरता क्या न करता को अवस्था मा मलेशिया बाट सिंगापुर लाई अलग गरेका हुन। तर एक चोटि अलग भए पछि फेरि पछाडि फर्केर हेरेनन।
चेक रिपब्लिक र स्लोवाकिया दुबै मा युरो चल्छ, जब कि दुबै स्वतंत्र देश हुन। हामी भारतीय यूनियन सँग त्यसरी नै मौद्रिक एकीकरण गर्छौं। बोर्डर साबिक मधेस को हो। १८१६ र १८६० मा खाल्डो ले पाएको भूभाग फिर्ता हुन्छ। ब्रिटिश शासन समाप्त भयो। Did no one tell you?
संस्थापक राष्ट्रपति सीके राउत हो। एक वर्ष सम्म अंतरिम सरकार चल्छ। २०१ सदस्य भएको अंतरिम संसद हुन्छ। १ सीट सीके राउत। १०० सीट सीके राउत को मधेस स्वराज पार्टी। १०० सीट खाल्डो को संविधान सभा छोडेर आउने मधेस भूभाग का सभासद First Come First Serve basis मा।
संघीय देश। सात राज्य। कोचिला, मिथिला, भोजपुरा, चितवन, अवध, थरुहट, कैलाली। आत्म निर्णय को अधिकार सबै लाई। त्यो भनेको राज्य संसद ले बहुमत को आधारमा राज्य लाई जनमत संग्रह मा लान पाउने नै हो।
नेपाल खाल्डो ले मधेस देश घोषणा भए पछि राजदुत आदान प्रदान नगरेसम्म र द्वैध नागरिकता संधि नगरेसम्म १००% नाकाबंदी।
मधेस देश घोषणा भएको दिन मधेस मा स्थायी बसोबास गरेको प्रत्येक लाई ६ महिना भित्र नागरिकता पत्र। मधेस देश घोषणा भएको तीन दिन भित्र मधेस भूभाग भित्र का सुरक्षाकर्मी ले आ आफ्नो चौकी र ब्यारेक मा फिर्ता भइ आ आफ्नो हतियार बिसाउनु पर्ने। नेपाल फर्कने चाहने अथवा मधेस देश मा नै जागीर खाने भनेर मधेस देश का प्रतिनिधि सँग दर्ता गराउनु पर्ने।
Enough with the bullshit.
५८ खाल्डो सभा छोड़ेका हरुले अब मधेस सरकार को तलब भत्ता खाने। बाँकी ४२ सीट मा तिनै पार्टी का थप व्यक्ति र मधेस का अन्य क्षेत्र का गण्य मान्य व्यक्ति लाई समाविष्ट गरिनेछ।
English: Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, being escorted by United States Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld through an honour cordon and into the Pentagon. They met to discuss bilateral security issues including the war on terrorism: see DefenseLINK news photos. US Department of Defense (). Retrieved on . (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
सन २०५० मा भारत अमेरिका जस्तो भइसक्दा पनि छेउ मैं बसेर पनि नेपाल हेटी भएर बस्ने बाटो मा का-ए-ए का बाहुन हरुले देश लाई डोर्याउने कुचेष्टा गर्दै छन। मधेस त्यस रोडमैप मा सहभागी हुनु हुँदैन। सिंगापुर नचाहँदा नचाहँदै पनि मलेशिया बाट छुट्टिएको हो। भारत अमेरिका जस्तो हुँदा मधेस कनाडा बन्ने गरी हिड्नुपर्छ। त्यो बाटो अलग देश को बाटो हो भन्ने कुरा दिन प्रति दिन सिद्ध हुँदै गइरहेको छ। मधेसी जनता ले अहिले सम्म नेपाल को प्रत्येक क्रांति गरेका छन। दुई दुई वटा मधेसी क्रांति गरेका छन। एउटा अर्को अंतिम क्रान्ति गर्नु पर्ने हुन सक्छ। त्यति बेला कति पनि हिच्किचाउनु हुन्न। साबिक मधेस को भूभाग समेटने गरी मधेसी गैर मधेसी सबै लाई समेटने एउटा उच्च कोटि को देश र अर्थतंत्र निर्माण गर्नु पर्ने समय शायद आउन लाग्यो। अहिले को नेपाल एउटा ग्लास हो। मधेसी एक बाल्टी पानी हो। त्यो ग्लास मा मधेसी न अट्ने जस्तो देखिन लाग्यो। मधेस अलग देश बने पनि दक्षिण एशिया को आर्थिक एकीकरण त्यस देश को निर्णायक मानक सिद्दांत रहनेछ। तर राजनीतिक गुलामी कुनै अर्थमा स्वीकार्य छैन।
मधेस स्वतंत्रता संग्राम मा सहभागी हुनु पहिलो कदम छ। त्यस पछि राजा जनक का सन्ततिले आफ्ना दुई कान बीचको मांसपेशी (muscle) को सक्दो प्रयोग गरेर ज्ञान आर्जन गर्नु पर्छ। आर्थिक क्रांति हुने नहुने त्यसमा निर्भर गर्नेछ।
On 9 August 1965, Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent and sovereign state. The separation was the result of deep political and economic differences between the ruling parties of Singapore and Malaysia, which created communal tensions that resulted in racial riots in July and September 1964. At a press conference announcing the separation, then Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was overcome by emotions and broke down. ........ Prior to the signing of the Malaysia Agreement in London, there was a week of “arduous and gruelling negotiations” over the more thorny issues of a common market between Singapore and Malaya, and the portion of Singapore’s revenue and taxes that would go to the federal government. With these issues settled, Singapore began its journey as part of Malaysia. ........ Even before the proclamation of the formation of the Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963, Singapore and Malayan leaders were mindful that the differences in the political approach and economic conditions between the two countries “cannot be wiped out overnight”. This, however, did not prevent sharp exchanges between the leaders of both countries throughout the period of the union. The slow progress of the creation of a common market and the difficulty in getting pioneer status from Kula Lumpur for Singapore industries frustrated Singapore leaders, while Kuala Lumpur was dissatisfied with Singapore's dogged response to the federal government’s clamour for increased revenue contribution to combat the Indonesian Confrontation, and for an agreed loan to develop Sabah and Sarawak. ......... At the political front, the grossly imbalanced Malay-Chinese population in both countries made each vulnerable to
communal prejudices which were played up by political leaders. The two major political parties in Malaysia, the People’s Action Party (PAP) and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), were soon accusing one another of communalism. The accusations escalated into tensions until they erupted into racial violence
in Singapore on 21 July and 2 September 1964. Despite agreeing to a two-year truce in September 1964, the acrimony between UMNO and PAP soon flared up again. At the heart of the rift was Lee’s multi-racial slogan, “Malaysian Malaysia”, which sowed deep distrust among UMNO leaders, especially
the “ultras”, who viewed his vision of a non-communal Malaysia as a challenge to their party’s raison d'être of undisputed Malay dominance.
.......... He then moved a resolution to enact the Constitution of Malaysia (Singapore Amendment) Bill, 1965, that would allow Singapore to leave Malaysia and become an independent and sovereign state. The bill was passed with a 126-0 vote and given the royal assent by the end of the day ............. Filled with emotions and his eyes brimming with tears, Lee had given Singaporeans a glimpse of their leader’s “moment of anguish” ...... Many rallied behind the news of the separation with relief although the manner of its announcement came as a shock and was initially greeted with disappointment and regret. ...... when merger came, the greater share of it was marked by constant differences and bitter political wrangling between leaders of the two nations. Although all signs were pointing to trouble, very few were prepared for the dramatic end to Singapore’s union with Malaysia.
Forty-five years after Singapore’s expulsion from a union with Malaysia left Lee Kuan Yew in tears on national television, the economy of the city-state he led to independence is poised to overtake its neighbor..... Singapore’s gross domestic product will cap its fastest annual growth this year since independence, rising as much as 15 percent to about $210 billion, while the economy of Malaysia, a country 478 times its size, will expand 7 percent to $205 billion ....... The island that former economic adviser Albert Winsemius once said was considered a “poor little market in a dark corner of Asia” is now ranked by the World Bank as the easiest place to do business, has the world’s second-busiest container port, and boasts the highest proportion of millionaire households ..... “Malaysia was struck by the curse of resource-rich countries: It didn’t optimize its human capital.” ..... Singapore has become the world’s fourth-largest foreign-exchange center with a S$1.2 trillion ($932 billion) asset-management industry. ..... Smaller than New York City and the only Southeast Asian nation without natural resources, Singapore has grown 189-fold since independence in 1965, helping boost GDP per capita to $36,537 last year from $512. Malaysia’s economy expanded at one-third the pace during the same period and had a GDP per capita of $6,975 in 2009, up from $335 in 1965. ....... “Development is like a marathon and all policies geared toward it must be sustainable and continuous” ... “Malaysia runs the marathon like a 100 meter event, so you see the initial spurt but not continuous progress in the race.” .......
Lam, 35, is one of 386,000 Malaysians who have become permanent residents or citizens of Singapore, a list that includes Health Minister Khaw Boon Wan and Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp. Chairman Cheong Choong Kong.
........ After more than 140 years under British rule, Singapore joined the Federation of Malaysia in September 1963 as Lee and his colleagues sought a bigger common market to cut unemployment and curb communism. The merger survived less than two years amid ideological differences and worsening relations between the United Malays National Organisation, which dominated the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, and Lee’s People’s Action Party. ......... “For me, it is a moment of anguish,” Lee said on Aug. 9, 1965, the day Singapore became a sovereign state. “My whole adult life, I believed in Malaysian merger and unity of the two territories.” Lee, 87, was Singapore’s prime minister from 1959 to 1990. ...... the general opinion of Singapore in the early 1960s was a country “going down the drain.” ..... “Economic development does not occur naturally” ....... cut corporate tax rates by nine percentage points since 2000 to 17 percent, compared with 25 percent in Malaysia. ........
Singapore was kicked out of the union partly because Lee opposed Malaysia’s affirmative-action policy, which provides special rights to the ethnic Malay majority. While Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak has pledged to roll back key policies of ethnic favoritism, he told UMNO’s 61st General Assembly last month that the “social contract” that gives benefits to the Malays cannot be repealed.
....... About 350,000 to 400,000 Malaysian citizens work in Singapore, including 150,000 who commute daily via buses and motorcycles to jobs in the city-state’s factories, kitchens and offices. ..... Singapore beat 182 economies to take first place in the World Bank’s annual ranking of business conditions, which looks at property rights, taxes, access to credit, labor laws and regulations on customs and licenses. ..... The country must keep innovating to stay ahead ........ “Singapore must keep searching for new markets,” Kinoshita said. “Less developed Asian countries are all growing quickly and trying to catch up.”
“Well, first I regret having been turfed out of Malaysia. I think
if the Tunku had kept us together, what we did in Singapore, had Malaysia accepted a multiracial base for their society, much of what we’ve achieved in Singapore would be achieved in Malaysia.
But not as much because it’s a much broader base. We would have improved inter-racial relations and an improved holistic situation.” ...... “Now we have a very polarised Malaysia, Malays, Chinese and Indians in separate schools, living separate lives and not really getting on with one another. You read them. That’s bad for us as close neighbours.” ...... There’s never any doubt LKY was super intelligent, a double starred first class honours from Cambridge. But one can only be too clever by half in a Malayan environment because the style of his assertive and aggressive politicking didn’t go down well with Malay culture and its more genteel style of politics. ......
The Malay right wingers were getting so heated up with LKY
that Tunku thought a cooling period, via a ‘temporary’ expulsion of Singapore, would be good for everyone. ........ Tunku imagined that Singapore outside of Malaysia would be so helpless alone by itself that LKY would come crawling back, begging to be let in again, though this time on Tunku’s terms. That was Tunku's plan. ...... "For me, it is a moment of anguish. All my life, my whole adult life, I ... I believed in Malaysian merger and unity of the two territories. You know that we, as a people are connected by geography, economics, by ties of kinship ... It broke everything we stood for ....... " ........ his resolve to stay out, stay steadfast, strategize and systematically develop Singapore into a prosperous nation. ..... it was the concept of Malaysia which saved him from being trounced by the pro-communist party, and possibly being reduced into a political nobody. What a frightening thought for Malaysia if the communists had taken hold of Singapore, when there was a pro communist Indonesia under madman Soekarno.
Singapore's PAP advocated a meritocratic, non-communal form of government that sought to treat everyone equally and reward them based on their merit, rather than their race or religion. ..... The dominant political party in the Malayan penisula on the other had believed that the Malays, being the "sons of the soil", deserved special previleges over the Chinese and Indians. This resulted essentially in the government practicing a heavily pro-Malay affirmative action policy, in a bid to bring them up to the economic levels of the Chinese. ...... The political parties at that time, (UMNO, MIC, MCA) were largely based on race, with the Malay-bssed party, UMNO being the biggest and strongest. Considering that Singapore(and the PAP) was predominantly Chinese, there was the perception that the inclusion of Singapore into the Malaysian Federation would dilute the power of the Malays and increase the influence of the Chinese. Actions by both parties only served to worsen the acrimonious relations between Singapore and Malaysia. ........ As a resource-poor, economically undeveloped territory, the leaders felt that union with Malaysia was the best outcome for the survival of the state.one of the main benefits would be to gain access to a larger consumer base to sell their goods to. However, by 1965, progress on this common market had stalled. Thus, our economic impetus for joining up slowly faltered.
One speech more than any other was crucial in bringing Umno leaders round to the idea that Malaysia should get rid of Singapore and Mr Lee Kuan Yew with it. This was the speech that changed history, former Cabinet minister Lim Kim San said in his tribute to Mr Lee at his 75th birthday dinner celebrations on Wednesday........ He was referring to Mr Lee's speech in May 1965, when he rose to take part in the debate on the King's address at the opening of the Malaysian Parliament. Here is an account of that fateful debate, as told by Mr Lee in The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew....... I MADE my most important speech in the federal Parliament to a hostile and tense audience, including a large number of Malay MPs who had been fed daily with anti-PAP, anti-Lee Kuan Yew and anti-Chinese propaganda by the Utusan Melayu over the past year. ..... But Dr Mahathir Mohamad's (then an Umno backbencher) speech implied that this could never happen. I quoted what he had said the day before about the Chinese in Singapore:
"They have never known Malay rule and couldn't bear the idea that the people they have so long kept under their heels should now be in a position to rule them."
....... To rule them? I drew a distinction between political equality and the special rights for the economic and social uplift of the Malays. I accepted the special rights, but if the other peoples of Malaysia were denied political equality with the Malays, we would not need Indonesian President Sukarno and Confrontation to crush us. ....... Waving a copy of the Malaysian Constitution in my right hand, I said: "Once you throw this into the fire and say, 'Be done with it', that means you do it for a long time; and history is a long, relentless process." I said Syed Ja'afar Albar (then Umno secretary general) wanted us to secede and leave our friends in Sarawak, Sabah, Penang, Malacca and other parts of Malaysia to Umno's tender mercies; we would not oblige. ...... I demolished the accusation that we were pro-Chinese. If we advocated a Chinese Malaysia; we could not attract majority support, as the Chinese were only 42 per cent of the population. If I had been going around saying about the Chinese what Albar had said about being a Malay -- "Wherever I am, I am a Chinese" -- where would that have led us? ...... On the contrary, I kept on reminding people: "I am a Malaysian, I am learning Bahasa Kebangsaan (the national language) and I accept Article 153 of the Constitution (on the special rights of the Malays)." ...... Having reached the most sensitive part of my speech, in which I would expose the inadequacy of Umno's policies, I decided to speak in Malay. Although my Malay was not as good as my English, I was fluent compared with other non-Malay MPs. .... I said that while I accepted Malay as the sole official language, I did not see how it could raise the economic position of the people. ..... Would it mean that the produce of the Malay farmer would increase in price, that he would get better prices? Would he get improved facilities from the government? I added that if the Alliance did not have real answers to current economic problems, it should not stifle the opposition. ....... Because we had an alternative, and it would work: "In 10 years we will breed a generation of Malays, educated and with an understanding of the techniques of science and modern industrial management." ...... It was at this point that I quoted what Dr Mahathir said earlier in the debate: "It is, of course, necessary to emphasise that there are two types of Chinese ... the MCA supporters to be found mainly where Chinese have for generations lived and worked amidst the Malays and other indigenous people, and the insular, selfish and arrogant type of which Mr Lee is a good example. This latter type live in a purely Chinese environment where Malays only exist at syce level ... They have in most instances never crossed the Causeway. They are in fact overseas Chinese first, seeing China as the centre of the world and Malaysia as a very poor second." ......... I continued: "What does that mean, Mr Speaker, sir? They were not words uttered in haste, they were scripted, prepared and dutifully read out, and if we are to draw the implications from that, the answer is quite simple: that Malaysia will not be a Malaysian nation. I say, say so, let us know it now." ...... As for the Malays "only existing at syce level", I said that the Tunku had frequently said in public and in private that the Chinese were rich and the Malays poor, but I used some simple examples to highlight a few points, still speaking in Malay. ...... Special rights and Malay as the national language were not the answer to this economic problem. If out of 4-1/2 million Malays and another three-quarters of a million Ibans, Kadazans and others, we made 0.3 per cent of them company shareholders, would we solve the problem of Malay poverty? ......
"How does the Malay in the kampung find his way out into this modernised civil society? By becoming servants of the 0.3 per cent who would have the money to hire them to clean their shoes, open their motorcar doors?
...Of course there are Chinese millionaires in big cars and big houses. Is it the answer to make a few Malay millionaires with big cars and big houses? ......... "How does telling a Malay bus driver that he should support the party of his Malay director (Umno) and the Chinese bus conductor to join another party of his Chinese director (MCA) -- how does that improve the standards of the Malay bus driver and the Chinese bus conductor who are both workers in the same company? ......... "If we delude people into believing that they are poor because there are no Malay rights or because opposition members oppose Malay rights, where are we going to end up? You let people in the kampungs believe that they are poor because we don't speak Malay, because the government does not write in Malay, so he expects a miracle to take place in 1967 (the year Malay would become the national and sole official language). The moment we all start speaking Malay, he is going to have an uplift in the standard of living, and if it doesn't happen, what happens then?..." ......... "Meanwhile, whenever there is a failure of economic, social and educational policies, you come back and say, oh, these wicked Chinese, Indians and others opposing Malay rights. They don't oppose Malay rights.
They, the Malays, have the right as Malaysian citizens to go up to the level of training and education that the more competitive societies, the non-Malay society, has produced. That is what must be done, isn't it? Not to feed them with this obscurantist doctrine that all they have got to do is to get Malay rights for a few special Malays and their problem has been resolved..."
............ Such arguments put in down-to-earth social and economic terms, and in Malay, had never been heard before in the Malaysian political debate. ...... The PAP had brought crucial, sensitive issues into the open
in a rational way to expose the shallowness of Umno's political argument, that because Malay leaders (mostly the aristocrats and educated elite) worked together with Chinese leaders (mostly the successful merchants) and Indian leaders (mostly the professionals), all would be well.
............ It was the most significant speech I had ever made in Malay, and I made it to an audience of Malay MPs, many of whom represented rural areas, and to a strangers' gallery, which was packed with more Malays. I had spoken without a script, and for that reason it had all the more impact.
As I spoke, there was a stunned silence. The air was electric.
.......... "He spoke for about half an hour. There must have been about 500 or so in the House and in the gallery, but you could hear a pin drop. I think if they could have cheered, they would have. Looking back, I think that was the moment when the Tunku and his colleagues felt it was better to have Singapore and Mr Lee out." .......
"The chamber was very quiet and nobody stirred. The ministers of the central government sunk down so low in their seats that only their foreheads could be seen over the desk in front of them. The backbenchers were spellbound. They could understand every word. That was the turning point. They perceived Lee as a dangerous man who could one day be the prime minister of Malaysia."
..... I had no such illusions. Malaysia would not have a Chinese prime minister for a very, very long time. ...... The Malays present did not expect me, the supposed anti-Malay Chinese chauvinist out to destroy the Malay race, to speak in Malay with no trace of a Chinese dialect accent that most Chinese would have. I had been born and bred in Singapore, speaking the language from childhood. I could trace my ancestors for three generations in Singapore. They had made as big a contribution to the country as any Malay in the chamber. And I was on their side, not against them. I wanted to improve their lot. ........ The Tunku and his deputy PM, Abdul Razak Hussain, looked most unhappy. I was meeting them on their own Malay ground and competing for support peacefully with arguments in an open debate. I was not rattled by their strident, shrill and even hysterical cries of abuse and denigration. I could hold my own. If allowed to go on, I might begin to win over some Malays. ....... They could see that among the MPs wearing the Haji skullcaps of those who had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, heads were nodding in agreement when I pointed out that
simply having Malay as the national language would not improve their economic lot. They needed practical programmes directed in the fields of agriculture and education.
......... The speech aroused such unease among the Alliance leaders and MPs that, contrary to standing orders, the Speaker ruled I could not reply to arguments made against it. It was a backhanded tribute to my effectiveness in Malay. Instead, he called on Razak, in place of the Tunku, to wind up the debate. ....... Razak launched into a long spiel of accusations: I was out to create chaos and trouble and hoped to emerge as the leader who could save the country. I was an expert in creating situations that did not exist. I twisted facts and cast doubts in the minds of people.
I planned to split the country into two
-- "one Malay Malaysia, and one Lee Kuan Yew's Malaysia". ......... Razak was at his most bitter when he concluded: "The gulf that divides the PAP and the Alliance is now clear. PAP means Partition and Perish." ....... I had not expected my speech to play so crucial a part in the Tunku's decision to get Singapore out of Malaysia. ..... Twelve years later, 1977, in his book Looking Back, the Tunku wrote: "The straw that broke the camel's back, however, was a speech Mr Lee Kuan Yew made in Parliament, when he moved an amendment to 'the motion to thank the King for his speech in May, 1965'. He brought up many issues which disturbed the equilibrium of even the most tolerant Members of the House." ........ He sent me a copy of the book, inscribed: "Mr Lee Kuan Yew, The friend who had worked so hard to found Malaysia and even harder to break it up...... Five years later, in 1982, the Tunku told the author of a book on Singapore: "He (Lee Kuan Yew) would think himself as legitimate as I was to be the leader of Malaya because he speaks Malay better than I do." ........ I did not speak Malay better than the Tunku. Even if I did, I was still not a Malay and could not be the leader of Malaysia. ........ But when he heard me that day in Parliament, he realised that I was getting my message through to his own backbenchers. That was unacceptable.
स्वतंत्र मधेस देश को अंतरिम राष्ट्रपति सीके राउत बाहेक अरु कोही हुन सक्दैन। तर देश घोषणा भएको एक वर्ष भित्र संविधान सभा को चुनाव हुन्छ। त्यस चुनाव मा मधेस स्वराज पार्टी ले बहुमत बटुल्न नसके बहुमत बटुल्ने व्यक्ति अर्को दुई वर्ष का लागि अंतरिम राष्ट्रपति हुन्छ।
The issue is not just to liberate from a state that refuses to become inclusive. Why is the state non-inclusive in the first place? Ethnic prejudice does not explain all of it. The number one reason is the incompetence of those who pretend to lead. The Madhesi people need to be liberated from that incompetence.
