Showing posts with label Madhesi people. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Madhesi people. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 07, 2015

In The News (33)

दिल्लीमा दूतको भीडभाड
लवजमा अंग्रेजी–हिन्दी–नेपाली मिसाएर बोल्ने अभ्यास बनाएका एकजना कार्यकर्ता स्तरका नेता अघिल्लो साता दिल्ली उत्रिए र सगर्व सुनाए— म आएको छु है, दूत बनेर। ...... लोधी स्टेट–१४ स्थित कोसियारी निवासमा कहिले राजनीतिज्ञ त कहिले पत्रकार वा टीभी कार्यक्रम प्रस्तोताको भीड लागिरहन्छ। हिन्दुवादी शुभेच्छुक, भारतीय जनता पार्टीका कार्यकर्ता र उत्तराखण्ड राज्यका नयाँ वा पुराना प्रतिनिधि/पात्रहरू यहाँ आइरहेका हुन्छन्। यही लर्कोमा नेपालबाट दिल्ली दर्शनमा आएका नेताहरू शेरबहादुर देउवादेखि पुष्पकमल दाहालसम्म कोसियारी निवासमा पुग्ने गरेका छन्। ...... अहिले पार्टी पंक्ति र सत्ताका कुनै देखिने स्थानमा नरहे पनि नेपाल मामलामा पार्टीलाई ‘ब्रिफिङ’ गर्ने तहमा रहेका ववरिष्ठ नेता भगतसिंह कोसियारी सधैंजसो व्यस्तताका माझ भेटिन्छन्। कुराकानीका समय लिएर उनीकहाँ पुग्दा दुई हातमा दुई मोबाइल लिएर कहिले यो त कहिले त्यो पालोमा फोन उठाइरहेका थिए, भगतसिंह।

‘एउटा फोन त नेपालकै लागि चाहिन्छ, तपाईको देशका सबै दलका सबै नेताहरू फोन–परामर्शमै हुन्छन्— लेखराज भट्टदेखि विजय गच्छदारसम्म,’ कोसियारीले नेपाल–ब्रिफिङ सुरु गरिसकेका थिए, फेरि अर्को हातको मोबाइल बज्यो। ‘ढकालजी, बोलिए तो’

भन्ने संकेतपछि कोसियारी कुरो अगाडि बढ्यो। ....... कुनै ढकाल थरका हिन्दुवादी, राजावादी र सन्त निराहारीको ‘कल’ थियो त्यो। ‘यता भारतीय विस्तारवाद मुर्दावाद भन्न थालेका छन्, प्रधानमन्त्री मोदीको पुत्ला पनि जलाउन थालेका छन्, स्थिति त्यति सजिलो छैन’, ढकालले एकै सासमा सुनाएको कुरो नटुङ्गिदै कोसियारीले जवाफ फर्काए—

‘जल्ने दो, होने दो।’

..... लगत्तै अर्को फोन आयो— तीनदलीय बैठकको भर्खरैको निर्णय यहाँ (कुनै कष्ट नगरी) सुन्न पाइयो। फेरि प्रचण्डको मनोदशा, सुशील कोइरालाको मुड र मधेसी दलको ७ बुँदे मागपत्रका बारे बहस सुन्न पाइयो। अर्को दिन विजय जोली, सुधिन्द्र भदोरिया, डीपी त्रिपाठी, केसी त्यागी जोसँग संयोगले भेटिए पनि उनीहरूसँग जत्तिको ‘अन द स्पट रिपोर्टिङ’ (सूचना) एउटा पत्रकारसँग हुन नसक्दा लज्जाबोध हुन्थ्यो। बरु प्राध्यापक कमलमित्र चिन्नोई, एसडी मुनी भने ‘हार्ड न्युज’भन्दा पनि पृष्ठभूमिमा लुकेका आधारहरू जोडेर नेपाल–स्थितिमा समीक्षा सुनाइरहेका हुन्छन्।

काठमाडौंको राजनीतिदेखि ससाना घटनाक्रमसम्म छिनभरमै दिल्ली मुकाममा आइपुग्छ— सन्देश बनेर।

‘मलाई सबै घटना थाहा छ, तपाईको प्रश्न के हो— सिधै सोध्नुहोस्’, पृष्ठभूमि भनिनसक्दै जिज्ञासा पनि टुङ्गिएजस्तो हुन्छ। ........ राष्ट्रले खटाएको स्थायी दूत (राजदूत) बाहेक हरेक साताको अन्तर बिराएर दिल्ली उत्रने नेता, पत्रकार, उद्यमी, व्यवसायीहरूको छनक पनि बुझिनसक्नुको देखिन्छ।

बाहिर ठूलो क्रान्तिकारी र राष्ट्रवादी छवि भएकाहरूसँग झन् धेरै दूत हुने रहेछन्।

लवजमा अंग्रेजी–हिन्दी–नेपाली मिसाएर बोल्ने अभ्यास बनाएका एकजना कार्यकर्ता स्तरका नेता अघिल्लो साता दिल्ली उत्रिए र सगर्व सुनाए— ‘म आएको छु है, दूत बनेर।’ बरु आफ्नै कामधन्दामा दिल्ली आएर सुटुक्क घर फर्केका नेताहरू डा.शेखर कोइराला र योगेश भट्टराईले मात्रै ‘स्वघोषित दूत’ भनेर आफूलाई चिनाएनन् ......... कतिसम्म भने कुनै दूतहरू (मुडअनुसार) दिल्ली केन्द्रमा सहजै भेटिने साना दलका नेताहरू र कथित थिङ्क–ट्याङ्कका प्रतिनिधि बताउनेहरूसँग राजीव चोक आसपासमा भेटेर ‘सेल्फी’ खिच्छन्। साउथ–ब्लकको ढोकासम्म पुग्नसके भने हातमा फाइल बोकेको एउटा ‘सेल्फी’ पनि लिइहाल्छन्। झन्डै दुई सातादेखि नाकाबन्दीको मार बेहोर्दै आएको नेपालका लागि यो नाका खोल्ने/खोलाउने ‘जडी’को खोजी चौतर्फी रूपमा भैरहेका बेला बिभिन्न तहमा घोषित/अघोषित प्रयास नभैरहेको पनि होइन।

तर यो कुनै दूत वा प्रतिनिधिले पकड राख्न नसक्ने ‘राजनीतिक मामला’ हो भन्ने ढिलो गरेर मात्रै पुष्टि भएको छ।

यो गुढ कुरा अलिक पहिले थाहा पाएको भए अर्को एउटा चरणमा नेपालबाट ‘दूत बनेर’ उत्रिएका आपूर्ति मन्त्री सुनिलबहादुर थापाले विहारको चुनावमा व्यस्त रहेका पेट्रोलियम मन्त्री धर्मेन्द्र प्रधानलाई फोन गर्ने थिएनन् कि? अथवा नेपालमा ठप्प रहेको आपूर्ति तथा पारवहन समस्याबारे मन्त्रीले ‘फोन–इन–ब्रिफिङ’ गरेको विषय नेपाली दूतावासको विज्ञप्ति बनेर नआउने थियो कि? ......... उपाध्यायले दिल्ली केन्द्रमा गृहमन्त्री, विदेशमन्त्री, राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा सल्लाहकारका तहमा नियमितजस्तै भेट–परामर्श गरेका छन्। मंगलबार बिहानमात्रै सुरक्षा सल्लाहकार अजित डोबलसँग फोनवार्ता गरेर अर्को चरणमा स्थिति ‘बुझबुझारथ’ गर्ने काम गरे। ‘अघोषित भनिएको नाकाबन्दीमा राजनीतिक वा आर्थिक जड कारणहरू गाँसिएका होलान्, तर त्योभन्दा अगाडि बढेर अहिले उब्जिएको असहज अवस्था ‘मानवीय संकट’को मुद्दा बन्न लागेको छ। त्यसमाथि दशैंतिहार चाडको मुखमा उब्जिएको यो संकटले पार्नसक्ने प्रभाव झनै गहिरो (नकारात्क) हुनसक्छ’, राजदूतले सल्लाहकार डोबलसँग भएको कुराकानीबारे भने। ...... नेपालमाथि थोपरिएको अघोषित नाकाबन्दीको अस्त्र इतिहासकै सबैभन्दा ‘घातक’ रहेको टिप्पणी आइरहेका बेला

भारतीय मूलधारका मिडियाहरू भने यी सबै घटनाक्रममा ‘बेखबर’झैं देखिन्छन्।

यहाँका मुख्य अखबार, टेलिभिजन कतै पनि दुई सातादेखि नेपालमाथि लगाइएको नाकाबन्दीबारे कुनै खबर छैन। लाग्छ— भारतीय मिडियासामु यो घोर संकटको सूचना पुगेकै छैन। अर्कोतिर काठमाडौंमा पनि परराष्ट्र–स्रोतका हवालामा सूचनाको पहुँचबाट निकै बाहिर उभिंँदै ‘अरे’को खबर छाप्नेमा मूलधारकै मिडिया पनि देखिएका छन्। अचम्मलाग्दो यो छ कि

एकातिर सूचना पुगेकै छैन, अर्कोतिर सूचना भएको भन्दा निकै बढी छ— स्वैरकाल्पनिक।

China Grabs Nepali Land
China ‘assures’ agitating Tarai leaders it is not anti-Madhesi
China has told Nepal’s Tarai leadership, agitating for greater rights in the constitution, that Beijing is not ‘anti-Madhesi’ and believes that for a stable Nepal, Madhesis have to accommodated in a political settlement. It has also told them that burning a China flag does not make anyone ‘pro-India’, just as

publicly claiming China step into to compete with India in Nepal does not make anyone ‘pro-China’

. It has conveyed to Madhesi leaders India and China are in touch on Nepal ......... Beijing was concerned about the burning of a China flag during the ongoing Madhesi agitation in Nepal’s southern plains. The Madhesi parties had condemned the incident, distancing themselves from it....... “They told us China is not anti-Madhesi, just as Madhes is not anti-China. They added that while China does not speak on Nepal’s internal affairs, it wants a peaceful and stable Nepal, and for a stable Nepal, Madhes has to be accommodated” ...... by burning a Chinese flag, no one becomes ‘pro India’, just as by saying China will replace India in Nepal, as some in Kathmandu have suggested, no one becomes ‘pro China’. ......

India and China had close ties, and had even been in touch at various levels.

They even joked that in Kathmandu, Chinese diplomats have told Indian diplomats they may need their help to get fuel for the embassy.
काठमाडाैं उपत्यका मुनि ३० करोड घनमिटर ग्यास
ललितपुरको कुपन्डोलस्थित बीमा समितिको केन्द्रीय कार्यालयका कर्मचारीहरु जमीनमुनिको प्राकृतिक(मिथेन) ग्यास बालेर चिया बनाउँछन्। पहिला नेपाल बैंकको कार्यालय रहेको सो भवनमा बीमा समितिको कार्यालय सरेपछि प्राकृतिक ग्यास प्रणाली जोडिएको चुल्हो पनि समितिलाई उपहारस्वरुप प्राप्त भएको हो। न भारतले नाकाबन्दी गरेकोमा पिर छ न त ओसार–पसारको झण्झट नै। स्वीच खोल्यो, बाल्यो। ....... 'करिब ७० जनाका कर्मचारीका लागि दैनिक चिया र खाजा यही ग्यासबाट पाक्छ।' ....... काठमाडौंमा ग्यास खानी रहेको यो स्पष्ट उदाहरण हो। ..... हो करिब २० लाख बढी जनसंख्या बसोबास गर्ने काठमाडौं उपत्यकामुनि ग्यास खानी छ। दक्षिणी छिमेकीले राजनीतिक स्वार्थका लागि नाकाबन्दी गर्दा ग्यास खानीमाथि बसोबास गर्ने उपत्यकाबासी अहिले समस्या झेल्न विवश भएका छन्। ...... यो तथ्य पत्ता लागेको झण्डै पाँच दशक बित्न लाग्यो। २०२० सालताका भारतको प्राकृतिक ग्यास आयोग र २०३० मा चीनको पेट्रोलियम अनुसन्धान टोलीले काठमाडौंमा ठूलै परिमाणमा प्राकृतिक ग्यास रहेको अनुमान गरेका थियो। जापान सहयोग नियोग(जाइका)ले २०३४ सालमा उपत्यकाको जमीनमा ग्यासको अन्वेषण ग¥यो। २०४१ सालमा युएनडीपीको सहयोगमा सरकारले ५ वर्षे अन्वेषण परियोजना पनि सञ्चालन गर्याे। सबै खोज अन्वेषणहरुले उपत्यकाको जमीनमुनि ग्यास रहेको प्रस्ट देखाए। अध्ययनहरुले उपत्यकाको जमिनमुनि ठूलो परिमाणमा मिथेन ग्यास रहेको देखाएको थियो। ....... उपत्यकाको जमीनमुनि करिब ३० करोड घनमिटर ग्यास रहेको अनुमान गरिएको छ। उक्त परिमाणको ग्यासले करिब ३० वर्षसम्म २० हजार परिवारलाई खाना बनाउन पुग्छ भन्ने अनुमान छ।

'गतसाल हामीले गरेको अध्ययनले अझै पनि त्यही परिमाणमा ग्यास मौजुद रहेको देखिएको छ,'

विभागका महानिर्देशक साहले भने। ....... विभागले गत वर्ष करिब ५० लाख खर्चिएर उपत्यकाको विभिन्न ठाउँमा ड्रिलिङ गरेको थियो। पछिल्लो अनुसन्धानले पनि त्यही परिमाणमा ग्यास छ भन्ने देखाएको छ। ...... काठमाडौं उपत्यका जमिनमुनि रहेको प्राकृतिक ग्यासलाई सिलिन्डरमा भर्न नमिल्ने प्राविधिज्ञहरु बताउँछन्। यस्तो ग्यासलाई प्रयोग गर्नका लागि ग्यासको मुहानदेखि खाना पकाउने चुल्होसम्मको पाइपलाइन विस्तार गरी बाल्नु पर्ने हुन्छ। ग्रामीण इलाकाका घरहरुमा निर्माण भएका बायो(गोबर)ग्यास प्लान्ट जस्तै जमिनबाट पाइपलाइनमार्फत घरघरको चुल्होमा जोड्न सकिन्छ। विभागका महानिर्देशक सर्वजित महतो भन्छन्,'यो ग्यासलाई सुरक्षित तरिकाले कसरी प्रयोग गर्न सकिन्छ भन्ने विषयमा हामीलाई सुझाउन सक्ने कन्सल्ट्यान्ट खोजिरहेका छौं।' ...... जमीनमुनि रहेको ग्यासले थर्मल प्लान्टमार्फत करिब ७२ वटा वेल निर्माण गरी २ मेगावाट विद्युत् निकाल्न सकिने अनुमान विज्ञहरुले गरेका छन्। ..... विद्युत् उत्पादनका लागि थर्मल प्लान्ट स्थापना तथा अन्य विकल्पबारे छलफल गर्न

विभागले विभिन्न मितिमा करिब ६ पटक बोलपत्र आह्वान गरिसकेको छ। सो प्रस्तावबारे कुनै पनि निजी कम्पनीले इच्छा देखाएका छैनन्। ग्यासको व्यवसायिक बिक्री झण्झटपूर्ण देखिएकाले निजी लगानीकर्ता उत्साहित नदेखिएको विभागको ठहर छ।

प्राकृतिक ग्यास उत्खनन् कार्यलाई अघि बढाउन विभागले सानो शाखामार्फत काम गरिरहेको छ। ग्यास उत्खनन् र व्यवसायिक प्रयोगबारे सरकारले ठोस कार्यक्रम सहित सक्रियता देखाउन सकेको छैन।

सकारी उदासिनताका कारण ग्यासमाथि बसोबास गर्ने काठमाडौं उपत्यकाबासी ग्यास अभाव झेल्न बाध्य छन्।

Friday, September 25, 2015

Former Indian Ambassador Shiv Shankar Mukherjee



News analysis: India should ignore criticism of its Nepal policy, continue what it's doing
Nine years after people power ousted an entrenched monarchy and brought an armed insurgency into mainstream politics, eight years after an interim constitution, two elections to a constituent assembly, followed by seven years of frustrating debates where politicians reverted to their addiction to squabbling.

It took a devastating earthquake to force a sense of urgency

to complete the exercise ........ a nightmare of violent agitation .... ramming through a flawed document by the tyranny of majority and reneging on promises in writing to the marginalized, Madhesis, Janajatis and Dalits. ...... a Terai in turmoil. Agitation and police/army response has claimed more than 40 lives. .....

Some 60,000 troops are deployed in the Terai, more than half the strength of the Nepal army, more than ever deployed against the insurgency.

..... Agitations in 2007 and 2008 led to a written agreement signed on February 28, 2008, which guaranteed an autonomous Madhes, representation in security forces and state organs proportionate to their population. There was no ambiguity in the commitment.

I was witness to the discussions and the final draft.

....... the gerrymandering of the boundaries of the seven states, to reduce Madhesis and Tharus to a minority in 12 of the 20 existing Terai districts ..... India should ignore the fulminations of armchair analysts, parachute pundits, and continue what it is doing: Point out to Nepal's leaders that we're concerned solely because instability in Nepal directly affects us across an open border. That an end to the violence must take place through a dialogue with the Madhesis, Janjatis and the Dalits. We should continue engaging with leaders on both sides, making our concerns clear, underlining that while we hold Nepali sovereignty paramount, we have legitimate concerns based on our unique relationship. ....... it was the same leaders behind whom India stood rock steady when they fought for democracy, sought support and got it in full measure. We haven't, even in our cold statements pointing out our unhappiness at the shape the constitution has taken, hinted at asking Nepali leaders to agree with us as quid pro quo for

our aid, the billion dollar credit

, and other projects. ....... This isn't the time to give in to

the 'teach-Nepal-a-lesson' hardliners.

What is needed is a calibrated response, mindful of Nepal's dignity but firm in our resolve to protect our national interest. We have leverages in plenty, but must use carrot and stick judiciously. We should strengthen voices in Nepal who stand for a truly inclusive constitution. The 'China' card will doubtless be played by those stubborn in the pursuit of their interests, and may test our diplomacy, but we should ignore the pinpricks of anti-Indian rhetoric that's sure to come up in Kathmandu. ...... Former PM and Maoist leader Baburam Bhattarai has admitted mistakes. Perhaps the agitation and India's principled position are bearing fruit? We don't know yet, but must stay the course. .....

The writer was ambassador to Nepal between 2004 and 2008

Tuesday, September 22, 2015

Why Nepal's New Constitution Is A Sham

The international community should not be fooled into thinking Nepal's recently promulgated constitution has been the outcome of a democratic exercise. It has been anything but, and is hence deeply flawed.

There are a lot of people in the world who might have a soft corner for Nepal and its peoples. But understand that the peoples you might be referring to (like the Sherpas) are precisely the peoples this new constitution seeks to suppress. The cultural diversity that you might so appreciate has been fought tooth and nail for almost a decade now, and has been shunted aside in a terrible counter play to what should have been federalism.

There is a cynical elite in Kathmandu, composed of Hill Bahuns, the bureaucrats, the politicians, the media people, the human rights activists, the mendicants, who will do the strangest thing like do nothing to help the earthquake victims despite a four billion dollar pledge from the international community. The earthquake victims are Gurungs, Tamangs, Newars and Dalits, communities this new constitution seeks to marginalize to the max.

How did we get here? Through a subjugation of the democratic process. When the two status quoist parties, the Nepali Congress and the CPN UML, were in a stark minority in the first constituent assembly, they threatened "rivers of blood" should federal states be demarcated like they should be: several might end up with names to do with the indigenous peoples. Their kith and kin in the permanent state structure, the armed forces, the judiciary, the administration, helped them bring an end to that assembly, lead the "neutral" government that would hold the elections to the second assembly, and, key, helped sabotage that exercise in favor of the anti-federalists. There was massive electoral fraud.

No wonder now the Hill Bahun elite is counting on the same security personnel to help see them through. Half the country is up in arms against the constitution, with another 30% in much sympathy, but not in a position to engage in vociferous protests, yet, close to 50 protesters have been martyred so far: they have all been shot illegally, mostly in the head and the chest. A security solution is being attempted to what is a political problem with an obvious political solution.

Once the elections were over, the leaders got rid of their party manifestos. Otherwise they had all contested wanting federalism. The ruling party had pledged three states in the southern plains. It had promised federalism like it should be: states with their own judiciary, and bureaucracies. If it had abided by its own manifesto, the street protests might not have happened.

Once elected the 601 members of the Constituent Assembly were treated like cattle by the party leaders. The key agreements were always reached outside, in the privacy of their living rooms. The elected members did not much participate in debate and discussion. This was supposed to have been a constituent assembly where the party whips did not apply. Well, the party leaders whip lashed the elected members anyway. The president of the country, with Nepali Congress roots, and the Speaker of the constituent assembly, with roots in the CPN UML, took turns acting like they were party cadres at the beck and call of their party presidents. That was not how it was supposed to be. They were supposed to be above the fray.

The new constitution was supposed to build upon the interim constitution and incorporate the progressive agreements reached in the first and second constituent assemblies. None of that happened. The unitary state has been preserved as much as possible, if not outright like with the judiciary. Dalits have been shortchanged. Women have been shortchanged.

Sushil Koirala, the barely high school graduate prime minister, once personal assistant to the most regressive character in modern Nepali political history, Tulsi Giri, has this attitude that, if you elect me as your party president, and your prime minister, why do you not then listen to me? There is no pretense that his party fought with a particular manifesto, promising to do certain things. He is amazingly dysfunctional and ineffective on regular matters of governance, but has a particularly sharp eye for ethnic politics.

Soon after the street protests unfurled, the army was deployed. The president was never consulted, like he was supposed to as per the interim constitution. The security personnel killed over 40 people before the Supreme Court issued an order saying it is not legal to shoot protesters in the head, in the chest, in the back. People continue to be shot in the head, and the chest, and the neck, and the back.

On top of all this the ruling elite has had the temerity to complain of "interference" when India has repeatedly pointed out that it is concerned about the political agitation in Nepal's south that is having spillover effects in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. There are tens of miles of trucks stranded. Indian voters have been reacting to their relatives getting killed across the border. Nepal has become a major issue in what is a must win election for Prime Minister Modi in poll bound Bihar. And now Sushil Koirala has come up with the brilliant idea to go "sell" this deeply flawed constitution to the larger international community in New York in an open attempt to bypass India and show it its place in the scheme of things. This is supposed to be Nepal's newfound "independence" from India. That would have been a wonderful concept had it been grounded in democratic processes.

It has taken Nepal 10 years to practically go back to 1991. The only difference is now Nepal is a republic. Otherwise the constitution lacks basics like press freedom, secularism, and outright makes fun of federalism and inclusion. There is no semblance of one person one vote democracy. It has been designed to continue the rule of the Khas elite that has been going on for 250 years now. The Maoists, the third largest party, have become indistinguishable from the NC and the UML. They are by now just another Bahun party.

It is an open secret that this constitution has a severely short life. It started breathing its last as soon as it was promulgated. It is deeply, fundamentally flawed. The next dude in line to become Prime Minister is another barely high school graduate who fashions himself a hardliner: KP Oli, known for his soundbites. Things should get worse, if that is possible.




Monday, September 14, 2015

सुष्मा स्वराज उवाच

India has always supported peace, stability, unity and development of Nepal. In the last two decades, we all have witnessed violence, instability, internal struggle and political discord in Nepal, as well as its negative consequences. Nepal had not yet emerged from this crisis, when a major earthquake in April 2015 wreaked havoc and caused major destruction in the country. Whether the crisis is political or natural, Government of India has always desired prosperity and well-being of Nepal, and considers itself duty-bound to stand by Nepal in any adversity.

For the last few months, the political leadership of Nepal has been intensively engaged in the critically important task of Constitution drafting, through mutual consultations and dialogue.

Encouraging voices were heard from Nepalese leaders from afar that the Constitution will carry along all regions and sections, and will become the focal point of a progressive, modern and united Nepal. Coming from all the political leaders, these voices make all of us in India very happy.

The Nepalese political leadership has shown wisdom and maturity in overcoming several challenges over the last few years, resulting in substantial gains in the peace process and consolidation of inclusive multi-party Constitutional democracy through two successful elections. We laud the achievements that Nepal has made in the peace process.

We welcome and commend the recent progress achieved by the Constituent Assembly in the Constitution-drafting process wherein several contentious issues have been resolved.

India is concerned over the ongoing protests and strife in several parts of Nepal. Horrific violence has once again shaken Nepal’s soul. Whether the victims are Nepali citizens or government officials, the blood spilt in all the incidents was Nepalese. When Nepal is yet to come out of the tragedy of the earthquake, these developments would hurt any humanitarian country in the world.

In this context, we urge continuing flexibility on the part of all the political forces so that any outstanding issues are addressed through dialogue and widest possible agreement, in an atmosphere free from violence. A Constitution, which is fully owned by and accommodates the aspirations of all regions and sections of the Nepalese society, will lay a durable foundation for a peaceful and prosperous Nepal and will become the focal point for Nepal’s bright future.

Nepal’s political parties, organizations and intellectuals have always displayed maturity and foresight in times of crises. It is only with their continued leadership and wisdom that Nepal can overcome its current difficulties. A durable and resilient Constitution is necessary to build a modern Nepal. We hope that Nepal’s leaders will leave no stone unturned in their efforts.

Government of India is committed to further strengthening its close and cordial relations with the Government and people of Nepal and will continue to provide all support and assistance, in accordance with the aspirations of the people of Nepal for peace, stability and socio-economic development.


Wednesday, July 08, 2015

एमाले को अन्तिम प्रधान मंत्री झलनाथ खनाल

एमाले पार्टी बाट अब आइन्दा कहिले पनि अर्को कुनै व्यक्ति प्रधान मंत्री बन्दैन। एमाले को अन्तिम प्रधान मंत्री झलनाथ खनाल हो। र झलनाथ प्रधान मंत्री बनेको दोष प्रचंड लाई जान्छ। माधव नेपाल प्रधान मंत्री बनेको दोष प्रचंड लाई जान्छ। झापा, मोरंग, चितवन, कैलाली, कंचनपुर मधेस बाट झिक्ने आईडिया को प्रमुख विचारक नै प्रचंड हो। त्यो आईडिया देउबा कंस सिटौला जस्ताको कान मा राखेकै प्रचण्डले हो। मधेसी पार्टी हरुले प्रचंड को Anti-Madhesi चरित्र नबुझेको सजाय पाउने छन।
  • गोइत माओवादी पार्टी छोडेर किन भाग्यो? प्रचंड को Anti-Madhesi चरित्र देखेर। 
  • माओवादी पार्टी को केन्द्रीय समिति मा मधेसी को सहभागिता एमाले को मा भन्दा केही फरक छैन -- किन? टुप्पो मा को छ? हेर। 
  • माओवादी पार्टी ले जब जब आफ्नो पार्टी भित्र कोचिला या मिथिला या भोजपुरा या थरुहट प्रदेश कमिटी बनायो त्यसको टुप्पोमा जहिले पनि गैर मधेसी गैर थारु लाई राख्यो -- त्यो महेंद्र ले मधेसी जिल्ला मा पहाड़ी CDO राखे भन्दा के फरक भो? प्रचंड को चरित्र संघीय छैन। कोचिला, भोजपुरा पहाड़ी नाम होइनन् भने के धनुषा महोत्तरी पहाड़ी नाम हुन? 
  • मधेसी क्रांति को दमन को सबै भन्दा खतरनाक आईडिया हरु कसको दिमाग बाट आएथ्यो? प्रचंड को दिमाग बाट। गिरिजा पदमा थियो, पुलिस सञ्चालन गर्यो, प्रचंड पदमा भएको भए आर्मी सञ्चालन गर्थ्यो। 
  • कटुवाल प्रकरण मा वास्तवमा प्रचंड ले कसलाई ताकेको? कटुवाल त आफसेआफ पदमुक्त हुन लागेको थियो र लगत्तै भयो पनि। आफ्नै कैबिनेट मा भएका मधेसी सँग छलफल नगर्नु -- किन? मधेसी लाई गन्दिन भन्ने लिंडेढिपी। मातृका को ड्राइवर/पियन ले मातृका लाई नगन्ने, मधेसी मंत्री का प्रधान मंत्री ले मधेसी मंत्री लाई नगन्ने --- पद को तह फरक, तर attitude त एउटै हो -- त्यो रेसिस्ट attitude हो। कैबिनेट ले पास गरेर राष्ट्रपति मार्फ़त सेना को मा पुग्नु पर्ने निर्णय। यता मधेसी मंत्री लाई नगन्ने उता मधेसी राष्ट्रपति लाई नगन्ने। बरु प्रधान मंत्री पद छाड्न प्रचंड तैयार तर मधेसी लाई गन्न उ तैयार छैन। यो माओवादी होइन मिलोसेविच वादी हो। माओवादी हो भने तिब्बत खाएको र मधेस खान चाहेको माओवादी हो।  
  • माधव नेपाल संसद मैं नभएको मान्छे लाई संसद मा ल्याएर ४३ लाख मधेसी लाई मतदाता नामावली बाट फ़ालन लगाउनु प्रचंड को ग्रैंड डिज़ाइन हो  ---- त्यस कदम ले गर्दा उसले त्यस पछि को चुनाव हार्यो, तर उसलाई मतलब छैन। देशको राष्ट्रियता बलियो पारे जस्तो लागेको छ उसलाई। त्यसरी फालेको प्रत्येक मान्छे भूमिहीन मधेसी हो। कम्निष्ट ले त तिनको सशक्तिकरण गर्नु पर्ने होइन र? नेपालमा मार्क्सवाद भनेको खसिको टाउको, कुकुरको मासु भनेको Anti-Madhesi Racism. 
  • श्री लंका मा तामिल का विरुद्ध चीनले कसलाई प्रयोग गर्यो, रोहिंग्या का विरुद्ध चीनले बर्मामा कसलाई प्रयोग गर्दैछ? नेपालमा मधेसीका विरुद्ध कसलाई प्रयोग गर्दैछ? मोदी माओ को लेवल को मान्छे हो --- प्रचंड लाई चेतना भया। 
  • मधेसी क्रांति ३ हुन लागेको थियो --- प्रचंड ले शुरू हुन लागेको मधेसी क्रांति ३ तुहायो --- किन? मधेसी क्रांति १ र २ हुँदा उसको रिएक्शन हेर। कंस सिटौला ले मधेसी क्रांति का दौरान जे गर्यो प्रचंड ले त्यो भन्दा १० गुणा बढ़ी चाहेको। दुईटा को पार्टी मिल्दैन तर नाइंटो मिल्छ। 
  • पछिल्लो चुनावमा प्रचण्ड काँग्रेस का विरुद्ध एमाले का विरुद्ध कम खनिए थ्यो, मधेसी दल हरुका विरुद्ध बढ़ी खनिए थ्यो। त्यो संघीयता को साथी हो कि शत्रु? अहिले पनि संघीयता लाई सकेसम्म water down गर्न खोज्दैछ। त्यो उसको मजबुरी होइन बल्कि एजेंडा हो --- उसले सक्रीय रुपले चाहेको कुरा त्यही हो। 
  • बिजय गद्दार को चरित्र चिन्न नसकेको सजाय उपेन्द्र ले पायो र अझ पाउँछ। प्रचंड को Anti-Madhesi चरित्र मधेसी दल हरुले चिन्न सक्नु पर्छ। र चरित्र भनेको कस्तो कुरा भन्दा खेरी त्यो overnight कसैको पनि बदलिँदैन। चरित्र ठम्याउन सकिन्छ बदल्न सकिँदैन। 



Sunday, January 11, 2015

7 Regions In One Madhesh State


Kailali (combining the current districts of Kailali and Kanchanpur): Capital Mahendranagar
Tharuhat: Capital Nepalgunj
Awadh: Capital Bhairahawa
Chitwan (the current district by that name): Capital Narayanghat
Bhojpura: Capital Birgunj
Mithila: Capital Janakpur
Kochila: Capital Biratnagar

State Capital: Narayanghat (as a goodwill gesture to the 40% Parvates in the Terai, also because it is the geographic center of the Terai, also for its good climate, and the limitless supply of drinking water from the Narayani, to build the top city in all of Nepal, to make it a software hub)

Political implications: Kailali, Chitwan and Kochila will likely have Parvate regional chiefs, and that is okay. The state capital will be in Narayanghat. When you get rid of the current district boundaries, having seven regions in the state will be more efficient than having only two, or four.

There will be right to self determination. That is unavoidable. Just like you can not imagine a democracy where the state is not secular, the cutting edge kind of federalism necessarily has a right to self determination. That is like saying sovereignty rests with the people, as it does.

But if you keep Kailali, Chitwan and Kochila as part of the Madehsh state, you are looking at a Madhesh state where the Parvates are 40% of the state population, and likely more and more Parvates will descend south in search of greener pastures. Unless that Madhesh state legislature has a 50% support for a referendum, there will not be a referendum on the separate country question. So having Kailali, Chitwan and Kochila as part of the Madhesh state is what people who profess they want to keep Nepal intact as one country should want. But they want the opposite! They want to take these sections out of the Madhesh state, which will make a breakup of the country more likely.

Tuesday, November 25, 2014

Modi Is For Consensual Constitution Making

Nepal statute must be through consensus: Modi
"Delay in writing the Constitution will not be in Nepal’s interest" ..... the parties should try to write the new statute through consensus and not on the basis of numerical majority. ..... the new statute should reflect the aspirations of Madhesis, Pahades, and the Maoists and other people in the country. ....... While the ruling parties want to opt for voting in the Constituent Assembly where they have more than two-thirds majority with the help of other smaller parties, the UCPN (Maoist) and the Madhesi parties have insisted “consensus only” approach. ........ his remarks is likely to please the Maoist and Madhesi leaders. ....... The Madhesi party leaders who were miffed that the Indian PM assiduously avoided mentioning Madhes in his remarks to Nepal’s Parliament would be very happy with the public display of support for them.

Monday, November 17, 2014

3 States: Koshi, Gandaki, Karnali: A New Proposal

This has been proposed.


My first criticism is that this has been designed to continue with the colonization of the Madhesh. This is designed to make sure the police, the army and the administration remain as they are. You still will have Pahadi CDOs in Madhesi districts. You will continue with the Pahadi police lording over the Madhesh.

There are ways to rectify those colonial tendencies.

As for the map, my counter proposal would be as follows.



In this proposal, you necessarily end up with five layers of government and strong district governments. Some might ask, why go for five when three can be had? 

Friday, November 07, 2014

Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales Writes To PM On Raut



Chair: Kirsty Brimelow QC │ Vice-Chair: Sudanshu Swaroop
Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC) | 53-54 Doughty Street | London WC1N 2LS |
e-mail: coordination@barhumanrights.org.uk | Tel: +44 (0) 20 7404 1313 ext. 359 | website: www.barhumanrights.org.uk

The Right Honourable Mr Sushil Koirala
Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers
Singh Durbar
Kathmandu, Nepal
P.O. Box: 23312
SENT BY EMAIL AND POST
London, 6 November 2014


Your Excellency,
RE: Dr Chandra Kant Raut charged with sedition

I am writing on behalf of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC). The BHRC is the international human rights arm of the Bar of England and Wales. It is an independent body primarily concerned with the protection of the rights of advocates and judges around the world. The Committee is also concerned with defending the rule of law and internationally recognised legal standards relating to human rights and the right to a fair trial.

The BHRC is contacting you regarding the arrest and prosecution of Madhesi activist Chandra Kant Raut. As you will be aware, on 14 September 2014, Dr Raut was placed under detention for allegedly inciting separatism in the Madhes region of Nepal under S. 2(1)(k) of the Some Public (Crime and Punishment) Act, 2027 (1970).

1 Then, on 8 October 2014, Dr Raut was charged with subversion contrary to S. 3(1) of the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989) for allegedly inciting separatism in the Madhes region of Nepal, an offence that carries a sentence of life imprisonment.2 Of note, on 20 September 2014, Dr Raut began a hunger strike to protest his arrest for denouncing discrimination of marginalised groups and peacefully demanding autonomy for his region. On 1 October 2014, as Dr Raut’s condition became critical, he was visited in hospital by Nepali Congress Party leader and Minister of Information and Communication Minendra Rijal and Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) leader and Minister of Agriculture Hari Prasad Parajuli. The two Ministers pleaded with Dr Raut to break his fast and gave a written commitment to respect Dr Raut’s freedom of expression. On that occasion, the Vice-President of the Nepali Congress Party Ram Chandra Poudel also visited Dr Raut and made an oral commitment that the charges would not be proceeded with against him.

However, the following week Dr Raut was charged with sedition under the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989). On 15 October 2014, the Special Court granted bail, but Dr Raut refused release on bail as he considered that he would be rearrested immediately on a different charge; the prosecution had stated in court that there was enough evidence to charge Dr Raut with the offence of

The BHRC respectfully draws to the attention of the Government of Nepal Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Nepal has been a party since 1991, and Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which enshrine the right to freedom of expression. Nepal has also ratified the First Optional Protocol of the ICCPR. Nepal’s commitment to human rights and the right to freedom of expression are also reflected in Article 12 (3)(a) of the currently in force Interim Constitution 2007.

Limitations to the right to freedom of expression are legitimate only if they fall within the very narrow conditions defined in the three-part test in Article 19(3) of the ICCPR; these restrictions must be ‘provided by law and necessary’, and there must be a legitimate aim to impose such restrictions.

Similarly, Article 12 of Nepal’s Interim Constitution 2007 allows only for the imposition of ‘reasonable restrictions’ to the right to freedom of expression. The BHRC respectfully submits that the restrictions to Dr Raut’s freedom of expression do not pass the three-part test in Article 19(3) of the ICCPR.

First, the formulation of the offence under S. 3(1) of the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989), with which Dr Raut is charged, does not meet the required standards of clarity and precision, leaving it open to abuse and political expediency.

Second, the current position in international law regarding the balance between national security and expression is that it is illegitimate to criminalise simple speech when no imminent violence is being incited with intent, as in the case of Dr Raut.

Third, limitations to freedom of expression are such as are necessary in a democratic society. The purpose must never be to shield governments from peaceful opposition. In this respect, the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989) is a piece of legislation drafted at the twilight of the Panchayat autocracy (1960-1990). This piece of legislation was enacted to repress dissent and curb the efforts of pro-democracy activists, and as such it has no place in a democracy.

The BHRC therefore respectfully requests the Government of Nepal and appropriate institutions to call to account the current actions that have led to Dr. Raut’s loss of liberty with a view to securing his release without fear of further arrests. Further, it should reconsider the appropriateness of the Crime against State and Punishment Act 2046 (1989). The BHRC calls upon the authorities to ensure the internationally protected right to freedom of expression to all Nepali citizens in order to preserve the rule of law and administration of justice in Nepal. This is particularly important at this delicate moment of negotiations over the new constitutional settlement.

Yours sincerely,
Kirsty Brimelow QC
Chair, Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC)
Cc : Embassy of Nepal in the UK
Cc : British Embassy in Nepal


1 S.2 – Prohibition to commit some public crime (1) No person shall commit any of the following acts: (k) To commit any act or express anything, which causes intimidation or terror in general public and breaks public peace, by entering or not entering in any public gathering, assembly or demonstration; or to show weapon. See: http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/index.php?option=com_remository&Itemid=25&func=startdown&id=611&lang=en

2 S.3 (1) – If someone causes or attempts to cause any disorder with an intention to jeopardize the sovereignty, integrity or national unity of Nepal, he/she shall be liable for life imprisonment. See: http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/index.php?option=com_remository&Itemid=25&func=fileinfo&id=712&lang=enChair: Kirsty Brimelow QC │ Vice-Chair: Sudanshu Swaroop

Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC) | 53-54 Doughty Street | London WC1N 2LS |
e-mail: coordination@barhumanrights.org.uk | Tel: +44 (0) 20 7404 1313 ext. 359 | website: www.barhumanrights.org.uk cybercrime for posting political material on his website, and the reportedly outstanding case under the Some Public (Crime and Punishment) Act, 2027 (1970).

Tuesday, October 21, 2014

CK Raut Arrest Is Human Rights Blasphemy



Suman Khadka and Kanak Mani Dixit seem to have a disagreement of opinion with Dr. CK Raut ----- that is perfectly fine. CK is not, never has been, will never be, above criticism. But that he is behind bars for something he might have said, something he might have written is human rights blasphemy. Why don't the Pahadi "intellectuals," the Pahadi human rights activists, the Pahadi journalists get this basic, simple point!? Is the ethnic prejudice against Madhesis in the country soooooo deep!?

A lady and a witch