Showing posts with label Chhetri. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Chhetri. Show all posts
Saturday, July 25, 2015
Friday, March 27, 2015
प्रक्रिया र आंदोलनभन्दा पनि Dysfunction तिर
सत्ता पक्षले जुन प्रक्रिया प्रक्रिया भन्दै आएका छन त्यो त प्रक्रिया नै होइन। प्रक्रिया भनेको पुराना सम्झौता हरु मान्नु हो। त्यो गर्ने इच्छा देखिएको छैन।
आंदोलन गर्न चाहने शक्तिहरु मा पनि वार्ता भैहाल्छ कि भन्ने छ।
त्यसले गर्दा प्रक्रिया र आंदोलनभन्दा पनि Dysfunction तिर देश बढेको छ।
र त्यस Dysfunction लाई नै सत्ता पक्षले जितको रुपमा लि राखेको छ।
न प्रक्रिया न आंदोलन न संविधान रूपी जुन Dysfunction छ त्यस अवस्थामा देशमा संघीयता छैन र सत्ता काँग्रेस-एमालेको हातमा छ। काँग्रेस-एमाले ले चाहेको दुई कुरा त्यही हो --- देशमा संघीयता नहुनु र सत्ता आफ्नो हातमा हुनु। त्यो त पाइ राखेकै छन। वार्ता र सहमति तर्फ बढ्न उनीहरुलाई हतार नहुनुको कारण त्यो हो।
आंदोलन गर्न चाहने शक्तिहरु मा पनि वार्ता भैहाल्छ कि भन्ने छ।
त्यसले गर्दा प्रक्रिया र आंदोलनभन्दा पनि Dysfunction तिर देश बढेको छ।
र त्यस Dysfunction लाई नै सत्ता पक्षले जितको रुपमा लि राखेको छ।
न प्रक्रिया न आंदोलन न संविधान रूपी जुन Dysfunction छ त्यस अवस्थामा देशमा संघीयता छैन र सत्ता काँग्रेस-एमालेको हातमा छ। काँग्रेस-एमाले ले चाहेको दुई कुरा त्यही हो --- देशमा संघीयता नहुनु र सत्ता आफ्नो हातमा हुनु। त्यो त पाइ राखेकै छन। वार्ता र सहमति तर्फ बढ्न उनीहरुलाई हतार नहुनुको कारण त्यो हो।
Wednesday, September 24, 2014
Madhesi Enpowerment In The Larger Nepali Context
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| हिन्दी: देश के उप राष्ट्रपति मोहम्मद हामिद अंसारी पटना में पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री सत्येन्द्र नारायण सिन्हा(छोटे साहब) की 94वीं जयंती पर आयोजित व्याख्यानमाला श्रंखला पर पूर्व सांसद किशोरी सिन्हा और मुख्यमंत्री नीतीश कुमार के साथ (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
In my model there are six million Bahun Chhetri, that many Dalits, nine million Janajatis, and nine million Madhesis. If you manage to restructure the state fundamentally, hypothetically speaking, you end up with 60,000 Bahun Chhetri on state payroll, 60,000 Dalits, 90,000 Janajatis, and 90,000 Madhesis.
But that still leaves out 5,940,000 Bahun Chhetri, 5,940,000 Dalits, 8,910,000 Janajatis, 8,910,000 Madhesis. Not everyone can get on state payroll. If you right size the government (that means downsizing) to something like 10,000 soldiers, 50,000 police officers, and 50,000 bureaucrats, the opportunities to put members of this or that community on state payroll are even less.
So where will the rest go? In countries like Nepal and India there tends to be a huge informal sector. There is a small public sector, a larger private sector, and a huge informal sector.
The purpose of putting people on state payroll is not to provide livelihoods to members of this or that community. The purpose is to run a small, lean, agile, effective government. But the understanding has to be that most of the people will get taken care of in the private sector. And so it is the purpose of Nepal Sarkar to foster the private sector.
The whole political debate in Nepal misses this point. If you follow the debate it feels like these 300,000 people on state payroll are the be all and end all. There are 29 million and 700,000 other people that we are not yet talking about.
It is important to move fast, be done with this federalism thing, and move on to issues of rapid economic growth. The debate has to move on to talking about Nitishism, my name for what Nitish Kumar has done in Bihar. Nepal has to get down to the business of providing strong basic law and order, build roads and bridges to connect all parts of the country, build schools and health care centers, train teachers and health care workers.
People acting dishonest on federalism are doing a great disservice to the country and its peoples. Obviously they don't love the country. Or they would not be acting dishonest. तपाईंले बुझेको नेपाल के हो?
Wednesday, September 17, 2014
Of People And Bureaucrats: Right Sizing The Government
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| English: mounted Tourist-Police officers in Petra, (Jordan) (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
There are 100,000 bureaucrats in Nepal. There are 100,000 police officers in Nepal. There are 100,000 soldiers in Nepal. It is a country of 30 million people.
If 20% of the 30 million are Bahun-Chhetri, and they hold most of those government positions, then 20% of 30 million is 6 million Bahun-Chhetris. Even if they are 90% of the government employees, only 270,000 of the 6 million Bahun-Chhetris are on government payroll.
Neither the Bahun-Chhetris nor the non-Bahun-Chhetris (the Dalits, Madhesis, Janajatis) should think right sizing the government is about depriving Bahun-Chhetris of their livelihood.
We don't need 100,000 soldiers. 10,000 would be more than enough. 100,000 police officers are too many. In a federal Nepal, policing will be a function of the state governments. You can't divide the existing police force into small parts and hand them over to the states. I think it is safe to say that at least half of the police officers will have to let go. So you end up with 50,000 police officers. 20,000 might stay as part of the federal police. 30,000 might go to the states. The states are going to want to grow their own native police forces. States in the Terai are going to have primarily Madhesi police forces. That is what federalism means.
100,000 bureaucrats. Half could be let go easily. You have to eliminate a few ministries. You have to streamline others, make them lean.
So you start out with 100,000 soldiers, 100,000 police officers, and 100,000 bureaucrats. And you end up with 10,000 soldiers, 50,000 police officers, and 50,000 bureaucrats. What does that do?
That creates room for the hiring of 70,000 new teachers and health care workers. That creates room for the creation of state level police forces. That creates room for the creation of some state level ministries.
But even after all that, you should end up with less people on state payroll than now. Why? Because federalism is a more efficient form of government. Less is more.
Where do the downsized people go? They go into the private sector.
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