Baburam 10 Times More Qualified Than Sushil

This is strictly talking in terms of personal qualities. Baburam is the obvious democratic choice as a duly elected PM and the choice of the largest party in the last elected assembly in the country, and the face of the largest political alliance in the country today. But that is not what I am talking about here. Sometimes what happens is a super qualified person does not get the top job because that person might be in some small party, as in the case with Nitish Kumar in India. The guy is the most qualified to be the next PM of India, but his party is rather small.

Based on personal qualities Baburam is 10 times, at least 10 times, more qualified than Sushil to be PM. Even Girija was better than Sushil. And Girija never struck me as the smartest kid on the block.

Baburam is more qualified than Prachanda to be PM. He is more qualified than Mahantha Thakur. Although Mahantha Thakur is more qualified than Sushil. If the NC were not an anti Madhesi party, Mahanthan Thakur not Sushil would be party president of the NC today.

On that note Baburam is also 10 times more qualified than Bijay Gachhadar.

I don't understand why the NC is pushing the Sushil Koirala name. The guy is not more qualified than Baburam for the job. I have been watching him run his party. He has not been doing a good job. If he were to be made PM right away I think he is sure to bungle the elections that are supposed to happen in April 2013.

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"The alliance´s first priority is to tranform the present government into a consensus coalition. Our second priority is to hand over the government leadership to any other leader from within the alliance" .... the alliance is of one voice on the decision.

PM says he is not hindering consensus

"The allegation that I have been setting one condition after another is entirely baseless because I have agreed to step down after forging a package deal with regard to ending the political stalemate. I still firmly stand by the same position"

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No big rift between Dahal and Bhattarai

there is no question of taking part in an election decided without taking us into confidence. We won’t accept any agreement limited to three or four parties. .... by and large, we have been left out of current negotiations. ...... One, UCPN (Maoist) has been saying that there is no need for ‘new people’s revolution’ in the changed context, while we are firmly in favor of it. Two, we will emphasize the issue of national sovereignty in our general convention, while the other party is unlikely to give this issue much importance. Besides these, the other party has decided to move ahead with the agenda of ‘federal democratic republic’ while we will continue to empathize ‘people’s federal republic’. On the political front, we believe UCPN (Maoist) made grave mistakes and contributed to CA’s failure, while they are not ready to admit to any such mistake. These might be some points of differences. ...... The rationale for the split in the Maoist party is amply clear in party documents and in the behavior of UCPN (Maoist) leaders. So far as the issue of unity is concerned, there is no such possibility at the moment.

देवी खड्का,गगन थापा र योगेश भट्टराईसंग-16.12.12
राजकिशोर यादव,बिष्णु बहादुर के. सी. र उपेन्द्र केशरी न्यौपानेसंग-09.12.12
सत्तारुढ गठबन्धन पूरानै निर्णयमा अडिग
दाहाल र भट्टराईबीच मतभेद बढ्यो

राजेन्द्र महतोले प्याकेजमा सहमतिबिना समस्या हल नहुने बताए । 'बाबुरामजीलाई अछूत मान्ने अनि त्यही बाबुरामजीले कांग्रेसलाई माला लगाइदिनुपर्ने ? केही समय कांग्रेस, एमाले यही सरकारमा आएर निषेधको राजनीति त्याग्नुपर्छ । त्यससँगै निर्वाचनसम्बन्धी सबै विषयमा सहमति हुन्छ,' उनले भने, 'संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक संविधान लेखिने ग्यारेन्टीसहित नयाँ निर्वाचनमा जानुपर्छ भन्नेमा मोर्चा एकजुट छ ।' प्रधानमन्त्री भट्टराईले निर्वाचनसम्बन्धी ऐन, कानुन संशोधन गर्ने, निर्वाचन आयोगका पदाधिकारी नियुक्त गर्ने, निर्वाचनको मिति तोक्ने र सुनिश्चितता गर्ने तथा त्यसका लागि केही समय कांग्रेस, एमालेलगायत विपक्षी पनि यही सरकारमा आउनुपर्ने जस्ता विषयमा प्याकेजमै सहमति हुनुपर्ने अडान लिँदै आएका छन् । अन्य विषयमा सहमति जनाए पनि केही समयका लागि यही सरकारमा जाने कुरालाई भने विपक्षीले अस्वीकार गर्दै आएका छन् । .... महाधिवेशनबारे बिहीबार अध्यक्ष दाहाल र भट्टराईबीच छलफल हुने बताउँछन् ।

प्रधानमन्त्रीको सर्तले अप्ठ्यारो भो: दाहाल

एमाओवादी अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहालसमेत सहभागी भएको तीन दलका शीर्ष नेताको बैठकले प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराई र मधेसी मोर्चाका कारण सहमतिमा गतिरोध पैदा भएको निष्कर्ष निकालेको छ । ..... पार्टीभित्रको आन्तरिक कारण र मधेसी मोर्चासँग समेतको सहयोगका कारण प्रधानमन्त्रीले अघि सारेको सर्तलाई चिरेर जान आफूलाई समस्या परिरहेको दाहालले बताएका छन् । शीर्ष नेताहरूको बुधबार बिहान भएको गोप्य छलफलमा दाहालले आफ्नै पार्टीभित्र र मोर्चाबाट सिर्जित समस्याका कारण आफूलाई अप्ठ्यारो परेको बताएका थिए । ..... एमाओवादी अध्यक्ष दाहालसहित भएको छलफल क्रममा पनि निर्वाचनमा जान बाधा अड्काउ फुकाउने, निर्वाचन आयोगमा पदाधिकारी नियुक्ति, निर्वाचनको मिति, संविधानसभाको आकार र राष्ट्रिय सहमतीय सरकारको नेतृत्व सहितको विषयलाई प्याकेजमा सहमति गरेर प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईमार्फत राष्ट्रपतिकामा सिफारिस गर्ने बाटोलाई पहिलो प्राथमिकता दिइएको छ । निर्वाचनका लागि संवैधानिक र कानुनी प्रबन्ध मिलाउने र निर्वाचन आयोगका आयुक्तहरू नियुक्तिका लागि बाधा अड्काउ फुकाउन मन्त्रिपरिषद्बाटै सिफारिस गर्नुपर्छ । अन्य विषय सीधै पठाउँदा पनि हुन्छ । प्रधानमन्त्री यसमा सहमत भए पहिला बाधा अड्काउ फुकाएर निर्वाचनको मिति तोक्ने काम हुनेछ । त्यसपछि राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको प्रक्रिया सुरु हुनेछ । तर, ती सबै काम एक दिन गर्ने प्रस्ताव हुनेछ ।

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Elections In April 2013 A Must

In Nepal, the quest for April elections

The Baburam Bhattarai government is a caretaker government. It must be replaced by a duly elected government at the earliest. And April 2013 is the best time. It is not a good idea to let a caretaker government stay in power for too long.

The old constituent assembly is dead and gone. A parliament not allowed to last for more than four years is not a bad move, and so I do not wish to drag the Supreme Court into controversy, especially when this particular parliament only had a two year life. That was ample time. The politicians of Nepal registered a collective failure.

Reviving that old assembly was never an option.

The president has no constitutional option to sack the Baburam Bhattarai government. But the political parties have the political option to come to a consensus on a replacement. But that consensus has been a nightmare. The very attempt has been foolish. Consensus is a Panchayati concept. It smells of no party rule.

Bi-polarization is a good thing.

The president is 100% responsible for the current gridlock. Once Baburam became a caretaker Prime Minister he did bring an election timetable. It was the president who unwisely refused to pass the election related ordinances. That was wrong. If those election related ordinances are now not passed by the president's office by the end of December that will mean elections will not be held in April 2013. Then we will be staring at November 2013 or, more likely, April 2014. The NC and the UML will have kept Baburam in the Prime Minister's Chair for a year longer than necessary.

Baburam's best option right now is to expand the cabinet to bring in the breakaway Maoists, the Upendra Yadav led front, Ashok Rai, Kumar Rai and others to form a broader alliance for federalism. As a Prime Minister he can reshuffle his cabinet, he can expand his cabinet, of course he can. That is what being the executive head of the country means. A caretaker Prime Minister is still Prime Minister.

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Baburam's Options

Baburam can resign. It is a free will thing. He is a free human being. And he could exercise that option. But as a disciplined soldier of the Maoist party he might not take such an action unless he has his party's backing for it.

Baburam could reorganize his cabinet. He could reshuffle it. That is the prerogative of any Prime Minister.

Baburam could also expand his cabinet. He could add a few Deputy Prime Ministers. He could add a few ministers. This might be his best available option right now. And that might just be the step to break the gridlock.

The breakaway Maoists have to realize the current polarization in the country is between the federalist and the anti-federalist forces and they necessarily have to side with the federalists. Federalism has been a gift of the Madhesi Kranti, but the ground for it was prepared by the Maoist movement. It is not possible for Baidya and Badal to see common ground with the NC and the UML.

Ashok Rai and Upendra Yadav also belong in the federalist camp.

Baburam should reach out to these three individuals and expand his cabinet accordingly. That might be the right move for the current polarization in the country. I happen to think that polarization is a positive thing.

Panchayat was a no party system. The thinking was if you allow parties that will fragment the society. Similarly consensus is a regressive concept. Political polarization is a good thing. It leads to progress.

The Maoists were as opposed to the seven parties as they were to the king. But they realized an alliance with the parties was a must to topple the king.

Down the line Upendra Yadav, Ashok Rai and Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal might all compete with Baburam Bhattarai electorally, but for now they have to understand the ground reality and see they belong on the federalist side. They should see common cause.

Instead of harping on the self evident truth that Ram Baran can not dismiss him Baburam should go ahead and expand his cabinet and bring the federalist forces inside to further isolate the non federalists, namely the NC, the UML and the monarchists.

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Broadening The Ruling Alliance

Dahal is an option. Mahantha Thakur is an option. It does not have to be Baburam Bhattarai, although I don't see why not?

The UML is supporting the NC candidate. But that is not enough to move the ball in the NC's favor.

The only thing the parties agree on is they don't want a non political PM.

The president can not unilaterally take action. Which means Baburam Bhattarai can not be forced to resign. And he is only willing to resign if there is a consensus on a new name. But that consensus can not be a dictation by the NC. That consensus has to have Maoist participation, a simple fact that the NC does not seem to take into account.

The extreme inflexibility shown by the NC and the UML is as undemocratic as their stand against federalism even when two thirds of the constituent assembly had put down their signatures for it. To give in would be to accept defeat when defeat is highly unnecessary.

One unilateral action Baburam Bhattarai could take is induct Upendra Yadav as a Deputy PM and offer to make Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal a Deputy PM as well. I think such a step would reduce the NC, the UML and its supporting parties to a 20% strength or less.

If I were Baburam I would also induct Ashok Rai into the cabinet. That would be a blatant blow to the UML which is being quite unreasonable.

As a last resort the president has to pass the election related ordinances and let Baburam conduction elections in April 2013. I mean, why not? What will be another sound alternative?

If I were Baburam I would reach out to Upendra Yadav, Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal and Ashok Rai and get them to participate. That would put additional pressure on the president to pass on the election related ordinances.

रोकिएलान् राष्ट्रपति?

आफैंले काम चलाउ भनिसकेको सरकार बर्खास्त गर्ने संवैधानिक बाटो नरहेकोमा राष्ट्रपतिमा कुनै द्विविधा छैन।

‘मधेशी नेताबाट प्रधानमन्त्रीको सम्भावना छैन’
दलहरु गम्भीर छलफलमा जुटेनन् सहमति नभए सबै विफल हुने राष्ट्रपतिको चिन्ता

राष्ट्रपति रामवरण यादवले थपिएको सात दिनभित्र राजनीतिक दलहरुले राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकार गठनबारे ठोस सहमति नजुटाए दलहरुसंगै आफु पनि विफल हुने चिन्ता व्यक्त गरेका छन्।

सहमतीय सरकारको नेतृत्वबारे दलहरुबीच विवाद

राष्ट्रपति रामवरण यादवले अहिलेकै सरकारलाई राष्ट्रिय सहमतीय सरकार बनाउन सकिने प्रतिक्रिया दिएको भोलिपल्ट सत्तापक्षीय र विपक्षी दलहरुबीच सहमतीय सरकारको नेतृत्व बारेको विवाद झनै चर्किएको छ। .... अहिलेकै सरकारमा सबैको सहमति भए सुनमा सुगन्ध हुने भन्ने राष्ट्रपतिको प्रतिक्रिया सार्वजनिक भएको भोलिपल्ट दलहरुबीचको विवाद बढेको देखियो।

सुशील कोइरालासंग-28.11.12
Bhattarai to lead national consensus govt: UCPN (Maoist)

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