In The News (103)

४–५ प्रतिशतले भनेको कुरा नमान्ने ओलीको चेतावनी, एकढिक्का भएर उत्सव मनाउन कोइरालाको आग्रह
बर्दियामा मसाल जुलुस प्रदर्शन
कहिले देखी हो नागरिकता त्याग्ने हामी बिदाई गर्न तयार छौ ।यो शुभ कार्यलाई ढिला गर्न भन्दा छिटो गर्दा राम्रो होला नि महोदय
यसकारण दीपावली गर्न सकिन मैले

म सुनसरीको मधेश बाहुल्य भूभागमा हुर्किएको पहाडी समुदायको युवा हुँ । पेशाले उच्चशिक्षाका विद्यार्थीहरुलाई अध्यापन गर्दछु । .....

म मधेशको भूभागमा हुर्किदा/बढ्दा पहाडी समुदायको भएकोले मधेशी समुदायबाट भेदभाव भएको कहिल्यै अनुभव गरिन । तर मधेशी भएकैले पहाडी समुदायबाट मधेशीमाथि भेदभाव भएको मेरो छरछिमेकमा देख्ने गर्थें ।

....... मुलुकको ठूलो जनसंख्याले स्वामित्व नलिएको संविधानको आयु लामो हुँदैन । .... यसरी जबरजस्त ढंगले कसैलाई प्रधानमन्त्रीको कुर्सीमा सत्तारोहण गराउँनका लागि वा कसैलाई कुनै उधारो पद दिलाउनको लागि ल्याइएको हतास संविधानले मुलुकको दीर्घकालिन हित गर्दैन । बरु यसले विग्रह र विखण्डनको बिजारोपण गर्दछ । मधेशी समाजमा हुर्केको म, यादव, कुशवाह, चौधरी, राजवंशी, डोमलगायत नेपाल बने देखिका भूमिपुत्र मेरा छिमेकी दुखी भइरहँदा मेरो घरमा कसरी दीपावली गरु ? कसरी उत्सव मनाउँ ?

संविधानमा असन्तुष्टि जनाउँदै काँग्रेस कार्यकर्ताहरुद्वारा राजीनामा

नेपाली काँग्रेसको महोत्तरी जिल्ला अन्तर्गत मनरा गाविसको नगर ,गाउ र बुथ कमिटी सम्पुर्ण सदस्यहरुले राजीनामा दिएका छन् । ..... आज घोषणा हुने संबिधानमा मधेशीको हकहित संरक्षित नगरिएको भन्दै उनीहरुले राजिनामा दिएका हुन् । पार्टीका नगर कमिटी अध्यक्ष नागेन्द्र साह लगायतका करिब १०० जना कार्यकर्ताहरुले जिल्ला कार्यालय,क्षेत्रिय कार्यालय र केन्द्रिय कार्यालयमा राजिनामापत्र पठाएर सुचित गरेको जनाउदै अब उप्रान्त मधेश आन्दोलनमा लाग्ने बताए । ..... यता, मधेश आन्दोलनलाई समर्थन गर्दै एकडारा,डाम्ही मडै र सहोडवालगायतका गाविसमा कालो झण्डा गाडिएको छ । सदरमुकाममा समेत चौक र घरघरमा कालो झण्डा राखिएको छ ।

मलाई आश्चर्य लागेको छ, प्रचण्डले किन बुझेनन् ? : उपेन्द्र यादव

वास्तविक रुपमा उनीहरु वार्ता गरेर समस्या सुल्झाउन र उत्पीडित जनतालाई अधिकार दिन चाहँदैनन् ..... हिजो जनयुद्धकालमा पनि वार्तामा जाँदा युद्धविराम हुन्थ्यो, युद्ध र वार्ता सँगै अघि बढ्न नसक्ने मान्यता अनुसार । तर, अहिले कहीँ नभएको जात्रा भएको छ । यो सबै हाम्रा मागप्रतिको उदासिनता हो । राज्य माग सम्बोधन गर्ने भन्दा पनि पेलेर जाने मानसिकतामा । यसले राष्ट्रिय एकता र राष्ट्रियतालाई कमजोर पारिरहेको छ । ...... स्वतन्त्र मधेसको कुरा अहिले उठिरहेको छ । स्वतन्त्र मधेस भनेको नेपालबाट मधेस अलग गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने हो । यसलाई अनावश्यक रुपमा यसले उचाल्यो र उसले उचाल्यो भनेर आरोपित गर्ने काम भइरहेको छ । बास्तवमा यो मुद्दा अरु कसैले होइन, राज्यले नै उचालेको हो । ..... अरुले त बुझेनन् बुझेनन्, प्रचण्डले किन नबुझेको ? मलाई आश्चर्य लागेको छ ।

मधेश मुक्तिका लागि दोश्रो जनयूद्ध -किरण कर्ण

हालसम्म धनुषा जिल्लामा मात्रै ग्रामिण भेगका दर्जनौँ प्रहरी चौकीहरु जलाई नै रहेका छन् । भने दर्जनौँ चौकीहरु प्रहरी स्वयमले पनि छाडेर सशस्त्र क्याम्पमा बस्न थालेका छन् ।

संविधान जारी हुने दिन विहानै राजधानीका तीन स्थानमा बम फेला
कहाँ गए अमरेशकुमार र सुरेन्द्र चौधरी ?

यही संविधान सभावाट २००८ सालदेखि मागेको हक पूरा नभएकोले तराई मधेसमा ‘मातम’ छाएको छ । ..... अहिलेसम्म चार दर्जन होनहार नेपालीहरुले आफ्नो ज्यान गुमाईसकेका छन् । यस्तै एक दर्जन जति पार्टीहरुले संविधानसभालाई बहिष्कार गरेका छन् । ......

युगान्तकारी मधेस विद्रोहको मौलिक मागप्रति नै कुठाराघात गरिएको छ ।

मूलतः आज हाम्रो पहिचानलाई छत विक्षत पार्ने काम गरिएको छ । सखाप पार्ने दुष्प्रयास भएको छ । ........ विधिको विडम्वना कस्तो छ भने वार्ता टोली गठन नै नगरी कर्णालीको माग पूरा हुन्छ । अखण्ड सुदूरपश्चिमको नारा लगाउनेहरुको अभिमतलाई हुबहु कदर गरिन्छ । ........ अखण्ड लुम्विनीको प्रस्तावलाई रातारात स्वीकृति दिइन्छ । यतिमात्र होइन खण्डित बगलुङ्गलाई पुनः विखण्डित बनाइन्छ । यहाँसम्म कि पर्सा जिल्लाको ठोरी गाविसलाई झण्डै चितवनमा मिलाएको सबुतप्रमाण समेत छ । तर, वर्षौं वर्षदेखिको थारु समुदायको संघर्षलाई सम्वोधन गर्न शासक वर्ग तयार छैनन् । ..... सनातन धर्मलाई संरक्षण गर्ने गरी धर्मनिरपेक्षताको जुन व्याख्या गरिएको छ, त्यसले पुँजीवादी प्रजातन्त्र र लोकतान्त्रिक पद्दतिलाई खिल्ली उडाएको छ । अन्तरिम संविधानमार्फत अग्रगमनतिर लम्किसकेको देश पुनः पश्चगमनतिर र्फकन बाध्य पारेको छ । ..... राज्यलाई धृतराष्ट्र बनाएको छ । ...... अन्तरिम संविधानमा उल्लेखित जनसंख्याको आधारमा निर्वाचन क्षेत्रलाई समेत अपहरण गरिएको छ । त्यसैले हामी आज आफ्नै मुलुकमा टुहुरा भएका छौं । हाम्रो यो सुन्दर मुलुकमा हामी आफबाहेक अरु कसैलाई देखिरहेका छैनौं ।यहाँसम्म कि पार्टीको हृवीपमा निस्सासिएका मधेसी सभासदहरुको संशोधन प्रस्ताव माथिको भाषण फाल्तु सावित भएको छ । हिजोसम्म हाम्रो सुखदुखमा मलहमपट्टी लगाउनेहरु पनि आज नचिहेजस्तो गर्छन् । यसले हामीलाई दुःखी मात्र होइन, आक्रोशित समेत तुल्याएको छ । ...... यस्तो विषम, प्रतिकूल तथा भयावह स्थितिमा संविधान सभाको प्रक्रियामा रहेका तमाम मधेसी र थारु सभासदहरुले पनि कुनै उल्लेखनीय भूमिका निर्वाह गर्न सकेनन् । जनताको वीचमा ठूल्ठूला स्वरले चिच्याउने यी छद्यमभेषीहरुको भण्डाफोर भएको छ । कहाँ गए अमरेश सिंह, जसले मधेस र मधेसीका लागि राजीनामा गर्नुपरे पनि पछि नहट्ने किरिया खाएका थिए ? ...... कहाँ गए सुरेन्द्र चौधरी, जसले प्रेस क्लव, नागरिक सामाज तथा संविधान सभामा आˆनो विद्वताको बखान गर्दा सबै तराईवासी मधेसीहरुलाई मन्त्रमुग्ध पारेका थिए ? नेपाली काँग्रेसका यी दुई सभासदको अभिमतलाई सहयोग गर्ने एक दर्जन जतिको समर्थन छ भनेर खुबै हल्ला चलेको थियो । ..... सवैभन्दा अगाडि एकीकृत नेकपा (माओवादी) का प्रभु साह हुन्, जसले पार्टीको हृवीपलाई समेत मानेनन् । मधेस विरोधी संविधानमा हस्ताक्षर नगर्ने उनको भीष्म प्रतिज्ञा अन्ततोगत्वा पूरा भयो । ......

हृवीप संसदीय व्यवस्थाको चलनचल्तीमा आएका अभ्यास हुन, संविधान सभामा होइन ।

तर, नेपालका यी संसदीय पार्टीहरुले जसरी चुनाव लडेका थिए, ठीक त्यसरी नै संविधानसभालाई व्यवस्थापिका संसदमा अहिले नै रुपान्तरण गरेर आफ्नो क्षुद्र अभिष्ट पूरा गरे । ..... हामी आˆनै घरमा बेघरबार जस्तो भएर बाँच्नुपर्ने स्थितिको सिर्जना हुनेछ ।

The brute majority

Why is it that no matter who fights whom, the Brahmins always win in the end?

..... Nepal inaugurated a constitution, its seventh in less than seven decades, which seeks to institutionalize indignities inflicted upon all minorities by the brute majority. ...... By conflating nationality with citizenship, a constitution written in the second decade of the twenty-first century ensures that ideas of bloodline, masculinity and patriotism shall continue to be guiding principles of protecting the purity of Nepali Nation. In operative terms, it means that the women and the Madheshis of all genders will have lesser citizenship rights and may be barred from higher public posts if they fail the ancestry test. ........ the constitution of this country declares that the externalized Madheshis will have to sacrifice their fair share to maintain the unchallenged supremacy of the dominant community. ...... Nepal has turned the concept on its head to assert that since no wrongs have ever been committed in its history with any community, everyone deserves equal reparation. The statute distributes positive discrimination opportunities to Bahun-Chhetris, Janjatis, women, Madheshis and Dalits with an even hand. ....... Redefinition of citizenship, representation and inclusion rights has robbed the nascent republic of its essence. With such provisions enshrined in the constitution,

elections will merely end up being multiple replays of musical chairs institutionalizing an oligarchy of deceit.

Reigns of the regime shall remain firmly in the hands of the PEON that will make the polity dance to its tunes. ........ The PEON has drawn boundaries of federating units in such a way that every province will have the dominance of the same Bahun-Chhetri community that has ruled this country since its emergence in the late eighteenth century. Federating units have further been enfeebled with the creation of multiple municipalities that will forever be dependent upon central authorities. ....... In Nepal, the state has been constitutionally obligated to protect and promote Sanatana Dharma, which is shorthand for Hindu religion, and the Holy Cow as the national animal. Proselytization remains proscribed. .......

no community in the history of human civilization has been as resiliently hegemonic as the Brahmins of the Indian Sub-continent.

In India, Brahmins never constituted more than five percent of its population prior to the partition of the Subcontinent. And yet they successfully thwarted at least three of the most powerful empires of the world—the Buddhist Mauryas, the Islamic Mughals and the Christian British. .......... Even today, Brahmans number less than ten percent in most parts of India except for the two mountainous provinces of Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh where the figure hover around 20 and 15 percent respectively. And yet, the priestly castes are the most dominant force everywhere in the region. ........ Its fierce defense of power of definition. Through the concept of hierarchy, victorious warriors were lured into being defenders of faith and protectors of cows and Brahmans. The Vaishyas were transformed into conformists with the promise of order in society. The Vaishyas accepted unjust hierarchy on the condition that the warriors and the priests will protect them from the onslaught of much numerous Shudras—the largest section of population that consisted of indigenous peoples, the Dalits and according to the lawgiver Manu, women of all castes. ........ Pacification of Shudras required production of knowledge to establish centrality of fate in human society.......

Purity, pollution, atonement and sacrifice are some of the important constituents of Brahmanism. More than a central figure of the religion such as an Ayatollah or a Pope, this belief system required a committed cadre, plurality of texts, and multiple mythologies to maintain its hegemony.

...... A knowledge system built over millennia was fated to prevail in Nepal.

Most women lawmakers voted against their own long-term interest to allow unequal citizenship laws pass. Majority of Janjati members of the Constituent Assembly seem to have gladly accepted that they don't deserve the dignity of distinct identity within the national polity. The Dalits failed to challenge the status quo. Some Madheshis too bowed their head in front of priests of their political parties.

However, Madheshbadi parties refused to be cowed down by the rhetoric of democratic divinity, which is interpreted to mean that justice lies with the will of the dominant majority. .........

For now, Madheshbadis have lost the game.

..... Coping with continued defeat isn't easy. It saps the emotional energy required for recuperation, reorganization and re-agitation. That could be the reason many give up the fight as soon as few rounds are over ......... carrots and sticks of power lure the defeated away from their convictions. .......... Voice is difficult to maintain when hegemony pervades through instruments of coercion, persuasion and consistent propaganda. Even when expressed, the murmur of dissent dies out in the cacophony of conformism. It's difficult enough now, but will get increasingly challenging to raise concerns of the vanquished in public sphere.

Cry of victims is often music to the ears of victors and feeble voices of opposition are merely amusing diversions.

........ exit is usually the first option of the vanquished. Violent resistance is a form of exit from the rules of the game that privileges the dominant. So is self-exile, which is an escape into a different world with its own challenges. ........

There should be no delusions about situation getting any better on its own. Unlike in other religions of the world, charity in Brahmanism doesn't mean empowerment of the weak and betterment of the marginalized. It implies continued patronization of the priestly order.

....... Gandhi suggested penance, patience and peaceful protest as ways of regenerating rightful energy.

Ambedkar's prescription was to educate, organize and agitate.

It's a long and lonely struggle where only those with the iron will shall survive.

भारतले जनायो चर्को असन्तुष्टि : के होला त परिणाम ?

राष्ट्रपतिले संविधानसभाबाट संविधान जारी भएको घोषणा गरेको एक घण्टा पनि नबित्दै भारतीय विदेश मन्त्रालयले प्रतिक्रिया दिएको हो । विज्ञप्तिमा संविधानको स्वागत वा विरोध गरिएको छैन ।

कूटनीतिक वृत्तमा यस्तो वक्तव्यलाई ‘कडा विरोध’को रुपमा हेरिन्छ ।

...... विज्ञप्तिमा सबैको सहभागिता र स्वीकारोक्तिमा जारी हुने संविधानले मात्र ‘नेपालको एकता कायम गर्ने’ भन्ने थप शंकायुक्त पदावली प्रयोग गरिएको छ । ..... हामी अनुरोध गर्न चाहन्छौं कि बिवादित विषयहरु हिंसारहित स्वतन्त्र वातावरणमा संवादको माध्यमबाट सर्वस्वीकार्य स्वामीत्वमा संस्थागत हुनुपर्दछ । यसले मात्र नेपालको एकता, समृद्धि र विकास सुनिश्चित हुनेछ ।’ ..... ‘नेपालमा संविधान जारी भएको कुरालाई हामीले ‘नोट’ गरेका छौँ’ भन्दै विज्ञप्तिमा नेपालको संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा भारतले सदैव संघीय, लोकतान्त्रिक, गणतन्त्रात्मक र समावेशी संविधानको पक्षमा समर्थन गर्दै आएको उल्लेख गरिएको छ । ...... त्यस्तै आफ्नो सीमा नजिकका विभिन्न जिल्लामा भएका हिंसात्मक घटनाप्रति भारत चिन्तित रहेको उल्लेख गरिएको छ । यसबारे नेपाल सरकार, विशेषतः प्रधानमन्त्रीसँग आफ्ना राजदूतले कुराकानी गर्दै आएको पनि विज्ञप्तिमा जनाइएको छ ।

Stop it

The mad rush in Constituent Assembly when half the country is burning is no way to get a new constitution

...... The country suffered minimum human casualty while fighting the autocratic regime of king Gyanendra and the sacrifice of those people was enough to abolish the 240-year-old monarchy. However, the current crisis has already taken four dozen lives and the government is still indifferent. This apathy has disgraced the ruling parties. ...... the ruling parties at this juncture have been depicting protesters' criticism as an attack on the state. The ruling parties are treating their critics as their enemies and traitors. .......

Their current political stand is no different to the stance taken by king Gyanendra's autocratic regime in 2005.

....... the current situation is the result of the aspiration of one ailing leader to become Prime Minister, even at the cost of pushing the country into prolonged bloodbath. ...... Although the current quarrel is over delineation of states, other important issues have been overlooked as well. One such example is distribution of resources. .....

The country is already in deep hole but the ruling parties won't stop digging.

..... The author is former foreign secretary

हेर्नुस मधेशको यो कालो रुप संविधान विरुद्ध, (फोटो फिचर)
‘Not a celebratory moment for India’

As celebrations broke out in Nepal over the adoption of the new democratic secular Constitution, India responded with an angry statement, pointing to the protests in the Terai against the Constitution......

India also referred to the new document as “a Constitution” as opposed to “the Constitution,” leading to speculation that India still hopes for amendments which would correct what it sees as a marginalisation of the people in the Terai region.

..... senior diplomats said that the new Constitution was “just not good enough to address all concerns” of the Madhesi and Tharu people. India’s ambassador Ranjit Rae also telephoned Prime Minister Sushil Koirala hours before the Constitution ceremony to express India’s disappointment that it was going through in its current form. Nepal’s refusal to extend the date for the Constitution despite PM Modi sending Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar with an appeal on Friday has come as a blow. ...... “This could cause a strain in India-Nepal ties" ..... three major problems .... the federal-provincial demarcation is perceived to be unfair to the people of the Terai region; secondly, the constituency delimitation is skewed against the Madhes population as half the population, that is the Pahadi (Hill) community gets 100 seats but the other half consisting of the Madhesi and the Janjatis get only 65 seats...... Finally the ‘proportional inclusion’ clause, for reservation includes many forward castes of the Pahadi region, which negates the principle of affirmative action....... many of the commitments given by Nepal during the framing of the 2007 interim Constitution have been forgotten.

फुटको संघारमा फोरम लोकतान्त्रिक, ७ सभासद संविधानमा हस्ताक्षरको तयारीमा
दस्तावेज लेख्दै बाबुराम, के छ दस्तावेजमा ?

देशको नयाँ परिस्थिति अनुरुप नयाँ कम्युनिष्ट ध्रुवीकरणको प्रस्ताव पनि गर्न लागेका छन् । .... पहिलो संविधानसभामा एमाओवादीको बलियो स्थिति रहँदा रहँदै पनि सोही बेला किन संविधान घोषणा हुन सकेन भन्ने समीक्षा र अहिले अलि दबाब दिन सकेको भए र अडान राखेको भए यो भन्दा राम्रो संविधान वन्न सक्ने आफ्नो मुल्यांकन पनि समावेश हुने ...... दस्तावेजमा प्रचण्डलाई वरिष्ठ नेता तथा पार्टीको संरक्षक पद तथा ओलीपछि चुनावको वेलामा एमाओवादीको तर्फवाट प्रधानमन्त्रीको प्रस्ताव गरिनेछ र पार्टी अध्यक्षको रुपमा अहिले देखि नै भट्टराई स्वयम्लाई प्रस्तावित गरिनेछ ।

मोदीका दुतले दिनभर के सम्म गरेनन् शीर्ष नेता रिझाउन ? यस्तोछ राम कहानी

जयशंकरले अध्यक्ष ओलीलाई भावि राजनीतिक समिकरण हेरेर निर्णय गर्न आग्रह गर्दा ओलीले समिकरण तयार भैसकेको जवाफ फर्काएका थिए । ...... दिवा भोजमा मधेसवादी दलका नेताहरुसँग तितो ओकलेका जयशंकरले मधेसीको भावना विपरित जारी भएको संविधान दिगो हुन नसक्ने भाषण छाँटेका थिए ।

सभासद उमेश यादवको पुत्ला दहन
दीपावली गर्नु नै छ भने मधेश आइज, रगतका टाटाहरु पुछ

काठमाडौं बहिरो त पहिल्यै थिइस्,
अब सत्ता उन्मादले तँ अन्धो पनि भएछस् ।
तैंले बिर्सिस् कि तेरो खानपिनको बन्दोबस्ती
सबैभन्दा बढी कुत तिरेर मैले नै गर्छु ।

३५% को बहुमतको दम्भ नगर,
५०% मधेशी आवाज पनि समाहित गर

मेरो आवाज अझै बुलन्द हुनेछ,
म कालो झण्डा आफ्नो घरमा फहराउनेछु ।

सिंहदरबारमा रहेका राणा र महेन्द्रका प्रेतका छत्रछायामा शासन नचला ।

Don’t talk, just listen

I am a Chhetri man, born and raised in Kathmandu. ..... it has been drafted by people who share my gender, my complexion, my language, my customs, my religion and my traditions. It is a document that preserves my standing in society. It takes pains to ensure that my kind, we Bahun-Chhetri men, will not lose much, if anything. And it sends a message to those pesky Madhesis, Tharus, Janajatis and women—all those who oppose this ‘historic’ ‘epoch-making’ document—that

we will prevail, whether by ballot or by bullet.

...... On that vaunted public sphere that is Facebook, there is triumph, a sense of victory for having persevered against those who would try to derail us. There is a very real geist present, that of a battle won. We the winners and they—the protesters who are against the constitution—the losers. After all, we tried to reason with them, but they just wouldn’t listen. We invited them for talks but they never sat down with us. Of course, we had armed policemen, ready with their tear gas, their rubber bullets and their live ammunition, but that, of course, was just for our protection......... Unlike most of my acquaintances on social media, instead of joy and celebration, there is only a deep unease and a sense of foreboding. There have been more than 40 deaths in the Madhes, of both protesters and security forces. Half of the country has been shut down for weeks. There are still curfews in place. ......

Once again, it is as if Kathmandu is all of Nepal and the Madhes might as well be Syria or Kosovo.

....... On social media, among those who would call themselves ‘liberal’, the tone is both triumphalist and defensive. It celebrates the ‘historic’ constitution with the caveat that the document is not set in stone and that it can be amended. Certainly, it could’ve been amended even before it was passed. ...... Despite media images of thousands of people on the streets of Tarai in protest,

there are those who refuse to believe that this is a legitimate protest from legitimate citizens

. The Madhesis are being misled by opportunistic leaders, or they are being instigated by Indians from across the border, or the favourite refrain, they are ‘uneducated’. There is little attempt to listen and try to understand why so many would want to march on the streets when there is a very real chance that they might be shot. ......... Instead, everything is taken personally—“I am not anti-Madhes”, “I didn’t oppress you”, “I didn’t call you dhoti”. The distinction that the Madhesis are opposed to the state, not individuals, is lost. And that is because our, we Kathmandu elites’, identification with the state is complete and total. The state has always been there for us. It is at our beck and call. We can march into any government office and know that the man (and it is always a man) behind the desk will speak our language and understand what we want. We can rest easy knowing that the police will never call us dhoti or Madhise or Bhote.

We are the state and when it is opposed, so are we.

...... Our privileges have insulated us from everything that they go through. Empathy is one thing, experience is another. And it is just so hard to admit that one is privileged. It means coming to terms with

the unpleasant fact that perhaps it is not our innate talents that have gotten us to where we are. It is difficult to believe that we had a head start when we’ve already won the race.

So we choose denial. No, they must be wrong. Their grievances are illegitimate. Structural inequalities don’t exist anymore because now, there are no seats in the Lok Sewa reserved for us. ........ They’re lazy, they’re uneducated, they’re violent, they hate us when we’ve never hurt them. And when that doesn’t work, we choose to patronise them, treat them like children with no minds of their own. Poor Madhesis, they’re just misled. We, with our degrees from foreign universities, talk down to them in English from our op-ed pages. We delude ourselves into thinking that they don’t understand what federalism entails. And when they write to us, outraged and angry, we dismiss them as the ramblings of the ignorant. We accuse them of wanting to break up Nepal—the Nepal they’ve never really gotten to know because this Nepal sees them as Indians. ..... This is a malaise that infects everyone from the top rung leaders of this country to the ‘educated’ upper and upper-middle class. Those who’ve gone to school in America post Facebook links about how #Blacklivesmatter, but back home in Nepal, the quiet comfort of Kathmandu cannot be shaken by protests because Madhesi lives don’t matter. It is a symptom of a small privileged population that continues to see itself as the custodian of democratic values and the harbinger of anything progressive.

Kathmandu’s elite young people have benefitted so much from a rigged system that they will do anything in their power to maintain that stranglehold.

........ Kathmandu is the benefactor and the Madhesis, Tharus supplicants. And if they finally come to talk, first, we make them beg and then we talk over them and down to them. At first, there is the patronising ‘Tharus are not violent people, they must’ve been instigated to do this’ and then ‘You were misled by your leaders’. When that doesn’t work, the bigotry comes to the fore, ‘You are violent people’, ‘You want to break up Nepal’. And then the admonishments that dangle ‘being Nepali’ as if it is a gift to be given away. The age of hectoring from a bully pulpit is past.

Whatever happens in the coming days, amendments or more protests, Kathmandu needs to learn to listen.

नेपालमा संविधान आएलगत्तै भारतीय दूतावासको यस्तो चेतावनी

नेपाल संविधान जारी भएको केही घण्टा नवित्दै भारतले संविधानको स्वामीत्वमाथि प्रश्न उठाएको छ ।

Protests over new Nepal constitution vindicate India's position

At the highest levels in the Government of India, Nepal's new constitution and the manner in which it has been pushed through is being viewed as 'a major problem' that could lead to strife and conflict right across the open border ..... Delhi feels that mass protests across the Tarai as well as the police killing of a protester in the bordering town of Birgunj have vindicated its position that

Nepali leaders were playing with fire.

....... The use of the phrase 'a' is seen as significant, for India does not see it as the definitive document it is meant to be. ..... India is upset with the Nepali political elite’s false assurances to India and

amused at its opportunistic use of the ‘nationalism’ card. It is also clear there is no alternative to a substantial review and amendment of the constitution.

And it feels there is no durable solution without taking Madhesi, Tharu and Janjati concerns on board. At the moment, no Tarai party has signed the constitution. ....... These leaders have now sought to play the 'nationalism' card and alleged Indian interference. But sources told HT that the same leaders have sent messages to India to use its influence with Madhesi leaders to call off protests. "Many have also sought support for their personal power ambitions.

They want our interference as long as we do what they want. We see through the game

," the source added.

नेपालमा जारी हुन नपाउदै लण्डनमा संविधान जलाइयो
नयाँ संविधानमा भारतले असन्तोष जनायो
संविधानलाई स्वागत नगरी तराईको चिन्ता
यदि अझै पनि तपाई हरु लाई मधेश को मांग के हो भन्ने जानकारी छैन भने यो पोस्ट ति साथी हरु लाई …

१. मधेसका बीस जिल्लालाई केबल दुई प्रदेशमा राखिनुपर्ने । झापादेखी चितवनको एक प्रदेश र नवलपरासीदेखी कंचनपुरसम्मको अर्को प्रदेश ।
२. केन्द्रीय संसदकोलागी तय गरिएको कुल १६५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्रमध्ये मधेसका बीस जिल्लामा ८३ निर्वाचनक्षेत्र हुनुपर्छ, किनभने मधेसमा ५१ प्रतिशत जनसँख्या रहेको छ । समग्रमा दुबै सदनको कुल सदस्यमा ३३ प्रतिशत मधेसीको प्रतिनीधीत्वको ग्यारेन्टी हुनुपर्ने ।
३. राज्यको सम्पूर्ण निकायहरु (शासन, प्रशासन, सुरक्षा निकाय, न्यायलय, कुटनीति क्षेत्र)मा सिमान्तकृत समुहहरुको पूर्ण समानुपातिक समाबेशीकरणको ग्यारेन्टी हुनुपर्ने ।
४. सरकारी कर्मचारी, प्रहरी र सेना भर्नाकोलागी प्रदेशलाई पनि अधिकार दिइनुपर्ने ।
५. आमाको नामबाट पनि नागरिकता दिइनुपर्छ । अगिंकृत नागरिकता पाएकाहरुको अधिकार पनि बंशज नागरिक सरह नै हुनुपर्छ ।

अमेरिकामा नेपालको संविधान जलाइयो
How India was both right and wrong on Nepal

Was India right in taking a public position, even at the cost of inviting a Nepali “nationalist” backlash? Why was it ineffective in getting Nepali leaders to heed its message? And what lies next? ..... The message was clear. Pause, negotiate with dissenting forces, make the process inclusive, draw out a wider consensus on the substance of the Constitution and then adopt and promulgate it. If this happened, all of Nepal would celebrate. India then would be happy to join in. ...... Make no mistake. What India said was absolutely correct and history will judge it to be the right position........ The need to take all communities on board, all regions into confidence while drafting the Constitution in a staggeringly diverse country like Nepal cannot be over-emphasised. There is overwhelming literature to suggest that while Nepal is an old state, it has never been a nation in the true sense of the term....... Delhi was well within its rights to articulate the policy position it did. It was no “interference”, if you glance through the history of this special relationship..... As a facilitator of the peace process of which this Constitution is the climax, India could not suddenly wash its hands off developments in Nepal. As the force behind the conduct of the two Constituent Assembly elections in 2008 and 2013, India could feign apathy about the manner in which the Constitution was being adopted........ As a guarantor of a 2008 pact between the Nepal government and Terai forces – when then Prime Minister GP Koirala went out of his way to seek Indian help – it could not turn deaf when one set of signatories complained provisions of the pact on creation of provinces and inclusion were not being implemented......... As a democracy, it could not turn a blind eye to violence and killing of peaceful protestors at its doorstep. As a federal polity, it had to take into account concerns of states like Bihar whose people share close links with Terai and whose legislators had been pushing the Centre to act against state brutality in Terai. As a country sharing an open border, it could not brush aside deep and legitimate strategic interests when it could see clearly the Constitution, far from addressing roots of the past conflict, was creating conditions for deep ethnic polarisation........ And as a neighbour, it could not ignore the fact Kathmandu's political establishment was deliberately stoking “anti-Indianism”. The perception was being manufactured that India had instigated the Madhes movement – when this was far from the truth....... Indeed, one of the triggers for the strong message by Jaishankar in his meetings was an article written by Koirala's press advisor in a local daily which was directly critical of India and Modi. This was seen as an open act of hostility straight from the Nepal PMO, and a gross violation of all diplomatic norms. Jaishankar is understood to have flagged the issue strongly with Koirala.........

Hill leaders have displayed rare unity in institutionalising a political order which helps consolidate their power.

...... The structural limitation of party-based representative democracy is that even MPs from minority communities toe instructions from party bosses against their conscience for fear of losing their positions – which is why even Terai MPs of bigger forces were reluctant to rebel. Once Kathmandu decided to launch brutal suppression of the movement in the plains, and not listen to domestic dissenting voices, India’s space to act shrunk. ...... there were two broad problems from Delhi’s end – internal divisions which generated mixed signals, and a costly delay in waking up to the crisis. ...... The immediate Nepal crisis has been brewing for at least 45 days. The parties had drawn up a federal map, which had led to the Terai backlash. The Indian embassy in Kathmandu had consistently warned the headquarters about the possibility of the bigger parties ramming a Constitution through, ignoring Terai concerns, which in turn would lead to unrest and instability.

But there was a view within the external affairs ministry that India should stay away, for as long as Delhi got the bilateral cooperation it sought from Kathmandu, there was no reason to alienate the powerful hill-led establishment.

........ This was a historical view, which underestimated how domestic political developments and bilateral relationship were closely intertwined.

The anti-Terai sentiment could very easily spin off into an orchestrated anti-Indian campaign. That is what happened eventually.

...... There are also too many freelance political operators who navigate the India-Nepal maze, from mid-level BJP and RSS leaders to businessmen. They go around pretending in Kathmandu to speak for the Indian government, and leaders are quick to lap up what they say if it suits them. .......

one of the top leaders the foreign secretary met told Indian interlocutors that he would be happy to meet all of India's interests on the bilateral front once he became Prime Minister

. ....... This exposes their public pretence of being champions of Nepali “nationalism”. But it gives a glimpse into thinking at the top in Nepali polity – that India can be managed with a few sops. This thinking has been encouraged by petty Indian bureaucratic thinking in Delhi. .......... And even when Delhi woke up, there was a reluctance to use all tools at its disposal........ India recently blocked a discussion at the UN Security Council on Nepal. .. India was reluctant to use the leverage it has with Nepali security institutions and political parties – for fear of being labelled interventionist. This diffidence is a bit inexplicable. Once it had taken a public position, India should have followed it through with action on all fronts..... The gulf between Kathmandu and Terai will only increase in coming weeks and months. As the capital welcomes the Constitution with Diwali-like celebrations, the plains will observe it as a black day. Clashes are expected as ruling parties deploy their foot soldiers to counter protestors. Politically, all of Terai’s parties remain outside the process. They are likely to make it clear that they will neither accept this Constitution, nor participate in any of the political processes that take place within the constitutional framework, unless there is a major review.

Emboldened with their victory, Kathmandu's leaders will probably turn even more conservative.

...... there is little appetite to invest energy in improving the relationship when Nepal has been so obstinate. There is a sense in Delhi that

despite Modi’s personal investment in the relationship, two visits and an effort to allay Nepali insecurities, the generous support after the earthquake, the blank cheque to Nepali leadership on contentious issues like the 1950 treaty, Kathmandu’s leaders neither listen to Indian advice nor do they shy away from the old game of stoking anti-Indian ultra-nationalism.

India will turn indifferent to the relationship, at least for a while. .......... Constituencies in Bihar will speak up for rights for Madhesis. And India will find it difficult to ignore these voices. ......

What should have inaugurated a golden period could well be the harbinger of tougher times.