Madhesi Janajati Kranti: Confusion, Clarity

I must admit I have been wading through some confusion recently. Social change is a complex thing. In some ways, in many ways, the Madhesi Janajati Movement for equality is more challenging than was the April Revolution for democracy and human rights. Who leads? What is the vision? How do you wage the movement? When do you conclude it and how?

The Maghe Kranti produced more martyrs than did the April Revolution. And the Home Minister has still not resigned. Those in power continue to refuse to call the Madhesi Movement by its name. They call it the Terai unrest. They like to suggest it was a law and order problem. It was not a political movement at all. The basic disrespect continues.

The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum was a rather small outfit before the Madhesi Movement began. Now it has a massive organizational base. It is now poised to perhaps emerge the largest political party of the future Madhesh state.

The Bahunist strategy is to sow confusion. Their lies are outright and brazen. It was no Madhesi Movement, but rather royalist and Hindu supremacist foul play, they say. And they continue to say that today. The disrespect has continued.

The Madhesi Movement wants a federal republic declared right now. Girija is opposed to declaring the country a federal republic now. Actually he has never gone on record for a republic. The only times he has gone on record is for a ceremonial monarchy. But that Girija sees a royalist hand in the Madhesi Movement.

The Madhesi Movement has produced a disproportionate number of Muslim martyrs. Girija is a Bahunist. Prachanda is a Bahunist. Baburam is a Bahunist. Bahunism is an ideology, much stronger than feudalism or Maoism, definitely much much older. And these Bahuns accuse the Madhesi Movement of being Hindu supremacist.

There is confusion also among the Madhesis. Recently Rajendra Mahto and Bimalendra Nidhi went on record saying there is no need for further agitation, that the Home Minister need not resign, and that the Prime Minister's last speech fulfilled all the Madhesi demands. I know those two people very well, personally, and have thought of them as pillars of Madhesi political empowerment. But now I am having to do a rethink. How can they not see that the Home Minister has to resign! The ball does not move unless he resigns.

The Janajati came late to the movement, but they are getting there now. Still there is no solid alliance. That is confusing.

Getting 49% of the seats in the Terai was victory enoug for the Terai, but the Madhesi Movement has to and has been willing to let go of that and come around to the Janajati agenda of having all seats to the constituent assembly elected through proportional representation.

Right now is the time to think in terms of a basic common minimum program and a final, decisive movement. The Madhesi Movement has to come around to the agenda of proportional elections. The Janajati Movement similarly has to take up the demand of the Home Minister's resignation. And then the entire country has to be shut down until the basic demands are met.

It is not true the Maoists speak for the Janajati. Prachanda has not allowed that. If Prachanda were for a federal republic, he should see common ground with the Madhesi Janajati Movement, but he does not. If the UML were for proportional elections, they should see common ground with the Madhesi Janajati Movement, but they do not. What is going on is Bahunbaad is going on.

This movement is necessary. If we do not end up with a constituent assembly that looks like Nepal in its ethnic and gender composition, we are going to end up with a constitution that is not satisfactory, and then we are going to have to struggle for a generation to make amendments. We should not put that burden on the next generation. We should instead work now. Better to shut the country down for a few weeks now than to play foul by the next generation of Madhesis and Janajatis.

The Madhesi Janajati Movement is about making sure the first president of Nepal is either a Madhesi or a Janajati, nothing less. The Bahuns know they are only months away from being shovelled into oblivion, and that is why they resist. They resist hard. But then the king also resisted. Their better option is to cooperate with the inevitable and be gracious. That way they avoid total marginalization down the line.

One person, one vote democracy with equality among the Khas, Madhesi, Janajati, Dalit and Mahila will be good for all concerned. The leaders will crop up out of the entire population and not only from among the Bahuns. That will mean the best possible leaders will go to the top, and that will be good for the entire country. That will be good also for the Bahun masses.

But right now looks like there is avoiding one, final, decisive round of street agitation. The Bahuns have not been listening at all. They have not been responding to reason and dialogue. The Janajati tried dialogue. What did they get? Nothing.

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गाउ“मै साढे १२ लाखलाई नागरिकता
गैरनेपालीले पनि पाए
प्रहरीमा भर्ती गर्न मन्त्रीको दबाब
मधेस बन्दले औषधि अभाव
माओवादीद्वारा र्सवसाधारणमाथि गोली प्रहार
यातायात बन्दले जनजीवन प्रभावित
नागरिकता टोलीलाई खानामा दोहोरो रकम
अबको नया“ नेविसंघ
जातीय संघात्मकता माथि उठेर हर्ेदा गरिबीको सबभन्दा खराब अवस्थामा पहाडे-दलित -४४ प्रतिशत), पहाडे-जनजाति -४१ प्रतिशत) र तर्राई-दलित -४१ प्रतिशत) रहेका छन् ..... एक करोड नब्बे लाखको कुल ग्रामीण जनसंख्यामध्ये ७० लाख -३५ प्रतिशत) गरिबीको रेखामुनि छ । ..... मधेसी बाहुनको तुलनामा मधेसी यादवको आर्थिक अवस्था निकै नाजुक छ ।

Over 1.2 Million People Get Citizenship Cards in Nepal since ... Nepal human Rights News, Nepal