In case you have not noticed, I like to pay close attention to the utterances of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. I greatly admire his writing style. He is also a top Maoist. So his words are authoritative. He is no dogmatic communist. He sees himself renewing the communist ideology for the new realities of the 21st century. When he says democratic republic, I think he means it.
"I have no love for the monarchy," Girija Koirala has recently said. I think the Maoists are painting him to be something he is not. The country is going to be a republic, but that will happen at the time of the constituent assembly elections, not now. And that is fine.
The real issue is of arms management. (Girija Prachanda Brinkmanship)
You have to walk and chew gum at the same time. It is not arms management or the political issues. Both have to go together. All Maoist arms will be confined to barracks. That applies also to arms currently in the hands of the 100,000 strong Maoist militia. I draw no distinction between militia and soldier. (100,000 Maoist Militia Must Disarm)
DDR, SSR. Baburam Bhattarai is for security sector restructuring. So am I. The Maoists are not being asked to surrender. They are being asked to become a political party. Political parties do not have armies.
The part that is not going to fly is where 36,000 Maoist soldiers will be in barracks, but 100,000 Maoist militia will still be in the villages, armed. That is a total deal breaker.
There sure is a need for an interim state. But the Maoist formula for the interim parliament of 101 seats to the Maoists, 101 to the seven parties, and 101 to civil society is arbitrary and misguided. (Interim Parliament: 101 Members Total)
My formula still gives them something close to one third of the seats. But it is fair to the seven parties. And I agree to their saying there can not be any ninth party in that parliament. The April Revolution was the work of eight parties.
The civil society has to stay outside the parliament to continue being what it is.
All three branches of government will have to be redesigned, true. But you start first with the legislature. You elect a new one. The eight parties do not have a mandate yet. That mandate can be had through the ballot box.
The modalities of the constituent assembly will be for the interim legislature to discuss and decide. The shape of the federalism can not be decided right now. That will be for the constituent assembly to decide. I urge the Maoists to not overload the summit talks.
Similarly, land reform can not be an agenda of the summit talks. Land reform will have to be tackled after the formation of a new parliament born out of a new constitution shaped by the constituent assembly. But the Maoists are free to put forth their policy proposal on the topic and try and win the hearts of the people based on that.
I am very much for land reform. I think that will be a great way to raise productivity in the agriculture sector.
I am surprised neither side is talking in terms of a Truth And Reconciliation Commission. (Land Reform, Truth And Reconciliation) I am surprised transparent party finances are not being proposed for the interim constitution. The Maoist money can distort the constituent assembly elections as bad as the Maoist arms. (Arms Management, Money Management) I am surprised the Maoists are not even thinking in terms of state funded parties. They perhaps feel they are too rich for now. (Proposed Constitution) Only with state funded parties do you take the air out of the Prachanda talk of a democratic republic being a stepping stone to something else.
Much is expected of the summit talks. I am cautiously optimistic.
Janadesh article by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai
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