DGExPo/B/PolDep/STUDY/2006-03 15/02/2006
[PE N°] EN
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION
DIRECTORATE B
- POLICY DEPARTMENT -
STUDY
"Crisis in Nepal and Response from the International Community"
Abstract:
Nepal, to compare with countries in Europe, is a little larger in area than Greece but with over
27 million people, it has more than twice the current population of Greece. One of the poorest
countries in the world, Nepal is sandwiched between two giant neighbours: India, which
surrounds Nepal’s borders on three sides, and China with whom Nepal has its border on the
North. The mystical Shangrila as it was known to the international community for its beautiful
Himalayas and abundant natural beauty has for the past decade witnessed unprecedented
violence in its history as well as political, social and economic turmoil precipitating to a
situation today that is alarmingly close to a total collapse of the state.
2
This study was requested by the European Parliament's
This paper is published in the following languages: English
Author: Sushil Pyakurel
Manuscript completed in February 2006
Copies can be obtained through: E-mail: asubhan@europarl.eu.int
Brussels, European Parliament,
The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not
necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament.
3
Crisis in Nepal
and
Response from the International Community
Sushil Pyakurel
Former Commissioner
The National Human Rights Commission, Nepal
4
Crisis in Nepal and response from the International Community
A. Introduction
Nepal, to compare with countries in Europe, is a little larger in area than Greece but with over
27 million people, it has more than twice the current population of Greece. One of the poorest
countries in the world, Nepal is sandwiched between two giant neighbours: India, which
surrounds Nepal’s borders on three sides, and China with whom Nepal has its border on the
North. The mystical Shangrila as it was known to the international community for its beautiful
Himalayas and abundant natural beauty has for the past decade witnessed unprecedented
violence in its history as well as political, social and economic turmoil precipitating to a
situation today that is alarmingly close to a total collapse of the state.
The ongoing internal armed conflict since 1996 and the autocratic rule of king Gyanendra since
2001 have been two major causes leading to the deteriorating situation in the country. Though
the armed conflict has resulted in the deaths of more than 12,500 people so far, efforts towards
resolving these problems have not been forthcoming from the state. This has lead to the ever
increasing danger of loss of civilian lives, state’s systematic attack on civic space, and absence
of basic services to the citizen outside Kathmandu which may perpetuate an imminent large
scale humanitarian disaster. The direct rule1 of king Gyanendra in its second year now has
systematically sought to silence pro-democratic political parties that are fighting for the
restoration of democracy and sovereignty of the people. At the same time, the king’s army supported regime of handpicked royalists continues pushing for an untenable military solution to the conflict. With no side having any tangible control over the other, widespread impunity,
suppression and violation of basic rights, absence of security to citizens and lawlessness prevails
over most of Nepal. Faced with challenges the regime that clearly lacks legitimacy has proven
that it does not have any vision or a will to resolve the current crisis. This has resulted in an ever increasing support for a republic among the people, as well as growing resistance to the
suppression. This combined with the precarious economic situation of the country2, present a
grave scenario that could deteriorate rapidly in the near future.
Given that addressing the plethora of issues related to the present situation in Nepal may lead to the loss of focus on the major issues, this paper therefore attempts to assess the present situation in Nepal, analyzing two key issues from a citizen’s perspective:
1. The present situation of increasing belligerence of the state with respect to the armed conflict
and the political conflict, and,
2. The evolving pro-democracy movement for people's sovereignty in Nepal.
1 King Gyanendra came to power after the infamous Royal Palace Massacre in June 2001.
However, he assumed direct powers after sacking the then Prime Minister belonging to a
political party, and constituting a council of ministers of handpicked people under his own
chairmanship
2 Nepal’s economic situation continues to falter with rapidly increasing inflation ( which stands
at over 8% at present); some independent reports have pointed out that the government may
lack money for general expenditure from mid-June onwards
(http://www.nepalnews.com.np/archive/2006/feb/feb02/news08.php)
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In doing so, the paper identifies key events in the past few years that have led to the present
situation, and contends that the present situation is characterized by the curtailment, violation
and abuse of most civil and political rights enjoyed by the people by the military-led dictatorial
rule of king Gyanendra, whose regime has been intransigent towards seeking a solution to both
the armed conflict and political problems. This is pushing the country towards
further lawlessness, chaos, an atmosphere of absence of social sense of security as well as
economic and political collapse.
The paper concludes by providing a number of recommendations to the international
community in responding to the situation that is becoming increasingly intractable and could
even lead to a crisis situation that may necessitate a stronger international response.
B. The Present Situation: A Pattern of Suppression, Impunity and Confrontation
The present environment in Nepal may be characterized by the regime’s imposition of draconian laws to suppress fundamental rights and freedoms guaranteed to Nepalese people by its Constitution and international human rights obligations merely to strengthen his grip on power.
This has been primarily done through the introduction of several ordinances1 directed towards
major institutions seeking to silence or subjugate them or through the introduction of
enforcement mechanisms to seek for the same.
1. Illegitimate Municipal Elections
While this paper was being written the regime held municipal elections in Nepal. These
elections were boycotted by most of the political parties including the major seven parties in
opposition to the king’s takeover. The elections were held amidst a nationwide crackdown on
the leaders and activists of the large political parties of the country. This has further increased
the split between the king and the pro-democratic parties. The election has already seen low
voter turnout2, and is disputed, with various allegations of rigging by the state apparatus. Some
of those elected unopposed are already submitting their resignations for fear of reprisals from
the Maoists. Most of those elected are people hardly known to the general populace and come
from obscure political parties. 3
1 Thirty three ordinances have been issued after the royal takeover dismantling the very essence of the rule of law. Sixty percent of these ordinances have been released after the end of the state of emergency. (Source: “300 Days of Royal Takeover”. INSEC Publications. Online.
http://www.inseconline.org/download/300 days of royal takeover.pdf)
2 Amidst a weeklong Bandh or strike called by the CPN-M during the period.
3 Of the 58 municipalities in 43 districts, the election is being conducted in just 36
municipalities in 28 districts. Out of 4146 posts available, voting is being held for just 618 posts
contested by 1682 candidates of small parties and independent contestants who are running for
the posts of mayor, deputy mayor, ward chairman, ward member and women member. 2251
posts remained vacant as no candidates registered their names while the candidates were elected unopposed for 1277 posts. Source: ekantipur.com
(http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=64980)
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As such, the move can only be construed as a futile step towards increasing the palace’s grip
over the local level of power with a view to general elections in the future at the king’s own
bidding.
Furthermore, the process could greatly undermine the king’s position since it will not seek to
establish a genuine democratic process but only further alienate the major pro-democratic
political parties of the country, while the Maoists remain vehemently opposed to the election
and have already intensified their attacks against the state security forces.
A statement by the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Minister Kim Howells deplored the local
authority elections as a “meaningless exercise” carried out without “people’s support”. The
statement added that the United Kingdom believes that the low level of turnout at the municipal elections indicated that the government did not have public support, while maintaining that the elections were "tarnished" by efforts of the government to quash dissent by restricting civil liberties and the media. It stressed that those factors in no way justified the Maoists' enforcement of a nationwide strike with the threat of violence which also kept some voters away, and their intimidation and killing of candidates was condemned.
Disappointed by the regime’s insistence on holding elections without the participation of the
mainstream political parties, critics determined that this turned out to be nothing more than “a
hollow exercise…unlikely to have national or international legitimacy”1 and that the king is
conducting the elections primarily to “validate his continued rule”. 2 A day after the elections,
the American and the Japanese governments had already expressed their views with the
American government reiterating that the elections had been a “hollow exercise”3 and the
Japanese condemning the elections as a futile exercise “without the broad support of the
people”.4 While interacting with the media on violence during the polls, the Vice Chairman of
the Council of Ministers, Dr Tulsi Giri, on Friday warned of more bullets in the coming days if
the situation so demanded. I regretfully observe that this exercise came with a price of human
life and curtailment of rights and freedoms guaranteed by all norms. In my opinion this could
have been avoided.
2. Restrictions on Media & Civil Society
As an extension of royal ambitions, the king’s government on 9 October 2005 promulgated an
ordinance amending the major media-related legislation. The amendments increased restrictions imposed on the media by the Government during the three-month state of emergency in February and April last year undermining freedom of expression, press freedom and the right to receive information in Nepal. The ordinance has been in direct contravention of the Nepalese Constitution and is targeted against major media agencies that are critical of the government.
The crackdown on the media agencies has been swift, with the government confiscating
broadcasting materials, imposing a ban on FM stations for months and censoring and even
imposing random bans on the broadcasting of international news channels from India and
abroad when news critical of the government is aired by those channels.
1 “Polls sans parties a hollow exercise: Moriarty”, Kantipur Online, 27 October 2005.
2 “U.S. troubled by circumstances surrounding polls”, U.S. Embassy press release, Kathmandu,
26 October 2005.
3 U.S State Department Press Release, February 8, 2006. Available at www.state.gov
4 “Japan Deplores Municipal Elections”, in Nepalnews.com. Online.
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/archive/2006/feb/feb09/news13.php
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Periodic shutdown of local telephone lines, cellular phones, wireless telephone lines and internet
communications have also been observed since the king’s takeover last year. The shutdown of
the phone lines is dependent on the whims of the king’s cronies demanding “security measures”
to deter peaceful political demonstrations.
In trying to contain the opposition, the harsh measures have only fostered the opposition’s
political agitation and the vibrant media sector in Nepal.1 It is worth noting that some websites
critical to the regime remain inaccessible within Nepal.
The king’s government on 14 July 2005 introduced yet another ordinance amending the Social
Welfare Act, relating to the activities of NGOs and INGOs in Nepal, in order to tighten its grip
over the activities of the very vibrant civil society, particularly those organisations working in
the areas of human rights and democracy. The ordinance was further buttressed by a “code of
conduct for NGOs" with several clauses directly impinging on the functions, scope and financial
independence of the NGOs and more stringent control of the government on the activities of
NGOs. The code of conduct met with strong opposition from the NGO Federation of Nepal,
which is an umbrella body of more than 2,600 NGOs in Nepal2, the United Nations system in
Nepal and bilateral donors. Opponents have stated that the government had neither consulted
nor worked with NGOs in drafting such a code that only sought to undermine their
independence and sought more direct government control over their activities.
3. Demolition of the national institutions
Royal Commission on the Control of Corruption (RCCC) was constituted as per Article 115 (7)
of the Constitution and was supposed to become defunct with the termination of the state of
emergency in April last year. However it continued to serve as an organ superseding an existing
anti-corruption body, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA),
primarily because of the sweeping extrajudicial powers of the RCCC under the direct
supervision of the king. Among other things this quasi judicial body lacks legitimacy because its
members were appointed without a logical process and safeguard for their functional
independence, absence of clear procedures and rules or a clear mandate. It has so far acted by
targeting leaders of pro-democratic parties. At the same time, while its very existence comes
under question, its functions as “investigator, prosecutor, and judge”3 has been in contravention
to existing rules and laws of the land. The Supreme Court has been time and again seeking
clarification from the RCCC on its existence and functioning as a judicial body, the reply of the
RCCC has always been that Supreme Court can not test its (RCCC) existence as only the house
of representative could test its legality4.
In an unprecedented move, on the 13 February 2006, the Supreme Court ruled against the
Commission, judging it to be an unconstitutional body.
1 In the aftermath of the ban imposed on FM stations following the state of emergency last year, it was reported that more than a thousand media persons had become jobless following the ban on broadcasting from FM stations.
2 “Nepal King Wages War on NGOs.” ISN Security Watch Online, November 14, 2005. Online.
http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/state/2005/1114war.htm
3 US State Department Press Statement on the RCCC, 27 July 2005. Online.
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2005/50297.htm
4 “300 Days of Royal Takeover”. INSEC Publications. Online.
http://www.inseconline.org/download/300 days of royal takeover.pdf
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The apex court said the formation of the anti-graft body was unconstitutional as it contradicted
Articles 83 (3), 84, 85, 88 (3), 89, 105 (7) and 127 of the Constitution of Nepal (1990).
In a similar manner the National Human Rights Commission, an independent and autonomous
body established to carry out human rights protection and promotion work was tasked with an
important role in highlighting the human rights violations and abuses perpetrated by the parties
to the ongoing conflict in Nepal. However, at the end of the tenure of the Commission's first
term, the king issued an ordinance amending the Commission Act, so that the appointment
process should be through the Minister of Foreign Affairs the Speaker of the nonexistent Lower
House of Parliament, and the Chief Justice, instead of the Prime Minister and the leader of the
opposition party in Parliament along with the Chief Justice. Committee was established
primarily so that there would be greater transparency and less intervention from the government in the appointment process. However, the Chairman was re-appointed and a new team was appointed by the mainly pro-government bodies adding to doubts about the continued independence and autonomy of the Commission. The Commission has so far to reclaim the public legitimacy it lost following the new appointment of Commissioners and has yet to act upon the recommendations of a mission from the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights which visited to assess the new Commission. Its report called, among other
things, for the Commission to initiate a process to review its appointment process.1
On 28 December 2005, the Supreme Court recommended the names for the posts of temporary
Supreme Court justices. The Nepal Bar Association condemned these appointments. It called for
nationwide protests to save the independence of the judiciary and the supremacy of the
constitution. Reportedly the Nepal Bar Association tried its best to prevent the appointment of
some nominees and “had urged the chief justice many times not to appoint supporters of the
royal regime as justices of the SC at this critical hour when people's fundamental rights are at
risk." But the Chief Justice could not resist the pressure from the Law Ministry and even from
the palace.
Hence the image of an improved situation portrayed by the king and his supporters is absolutely false and all the actions are based on ill intentions to compromise the democratically established checks and balances by the constitution of Nepal merely for personal ambitions and vested interests.
C. The Conflict and the unilateral ceasefire: A Missed Opportunity
A direct impact of the situation depicted above in the last two years of king Gyanendra’s
takeover has meant that human rights violations and abuses continue unabated as there have
been no signs of a genuine effort for the resolution of the armed conflict. In a surprising move,
the Maoists declared a unilateral ceasefire from 3 Sept 2005 for three months and further
extended it by one month. However, the state’s inflexibility to reciprocate the unilateral
1 Based on the internal report of the OHCHR mission consisting of NI Team Leader Orest
Nowosad and Mr. Nohyun Kwak that visited the Commission on 30 June and 6 July 2005,
mentioned also in the Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on
the human rights situation and the activities of her Office, including technical cooperation, in
Nepal (A/60/359). Online.
http://daccess-ods.un.org/access.nsf/Get?Open&DS=A/60/359&Lang=E
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ceasefire clearly showed that it had no intentions to come forward with any peace proposals of
its own.
After the end of the ceasefire, there has been escalation of violence and the state is ignoring all
the calls and offers from the CPNM and national and international actors to reciprocate the
ceasefire.
According to one estimate, the number of people killed per day doubled after the royal takeover
with a total of 1258 persons killed in connection with the conflict after the royal coup, in which
808 persons were killed by the state security forces and 450 by the Maoists.1
The state, in the conduct of the armed conflict, was found to have violated many rights by
undertaking systematic extra-judicial executions, targeting innocent civilians and failing to
protect them, disappearances of people under the control of or under detention by the security
agencies, arbitrary arrests and re-arrests of people who have been detained but released under
court orders, inflicting torture, bombing of schools and placing RNA camps next to civilian
inhabitants, and creating an environment of insecurity based on threats and coercion during the
military operations in different parts of the country. Among these violations, the most serious
are related to state enforced disappearances. Nepal has, over the years, consistently ranked at the top of the list of countries with the highest number of new cases of disappearances.2
Similarly, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, in his recent visit to Nepal, concluded that the practice of torture by the security personnel was “systematic” in Nepal.3 A new development in recent times has been the establishment of government backed 'Maoist Retaliation’ and ‘Village
Defence’ Committees, which have also resulted in widespread violations of human rights.
Increasing reports of rapes of women are further intensifying the conflict.
On the Maoists side, their cadres have also been involved in summary executions, killings of
civilians, abductions, inflicting torture, and carrying out threats and extortion. Forced
recruitment, including the recruitment of children, has tarnished their image. The bombings of
civilian infrastructure and confiscation of civilian property has further raised concerns about
their measures.
The periodic nation wide or district wide strikes declared by the Maoists greatly disrupt the
economic activities of the general people. As a non-state party, the Maoists are still bound by
the Common Article (3) of the Geneva Conventions; however, in spite of their stated
commitment to uphold international humanitarian law, in reality, there is a great deal of
contradiction to their stated commitments.
The conflict has resulted in large scale internal as well as external displacement of people. Fear
of being caught in the conflict, or being suspected of supporting either party in the conflict and
the prevalent dire economic condition of most Nepalese people has resulted in a mass exodus of
people. Entire villages have been emptied of young men who are going to the metropolitan areas
1 “300 Days of Royal Takeover”. INSEC Publications. Online.
http://www.inseconline.org/download/300 days of royal takeover.pdf
2 The UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances visited Nepal in 2005
and has in its report mentioned that Nepal ranks at the top of countries with the highest number of new cases of disappearances in recent years.
3 The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Prof. Manfred Nowak visited Nepal on September 10-
17, 2005. The full report is available in the UNOHCHR website. www.ohchr.ch
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or abroad in search of security and livelihood leaving the even more vulnerable groups of
women, elderly people and children behind. So far the Nepalese social structure has been able to
accommodate these liquid population groups, but with the degenerating situation this could lead
to a sudden appearance of huge number of people without access to food, shelter or other basic
necessities.
The armed conflict is said to have its roots in the gross inequalities, injustice, discrimination and
marginalization along ethnic and caste-based differences as well as gender-based discrimination
that has been historically widespread throughout Nepal. It is ironic that these very people are the ones who are facing the brunt of the conflict. With schools being used as base by the RNA and recruitment by the Maoists, the children have been the most affected.
The four months long unilateral ceasefire declared by the Maoists led to a certain extent to a
reduction in human rights violations and abuses. Various estimates pointed out that the number
of people killed reduced sharply during the period, although parties to the conflict continued
other activities in violation of human rights.1 While the unilateral ceasefire was widely
welcomed by civil society and people throughout the country, the government did not heed the
call, including from the international community, to reciprocate by calling a ceasefire as well.
The ceasefire by the Maoists was claimed by the government to have an ulterior motive and
hence dismissed. However, the fact remains that the four-month period saw relative calm and a
sense of relief among the Nepalese people. With the end of the ceasefire, violence has resumed
at the same pace as before and the people have begun to question the government’s intention of
a peaceful resolution of the conflict. As such, this missed opportunity by the regime to win over
the hearts of the people by declaring a ceasefire has only added to the growing mistrust of the
government at a time when its very legitimacy is being questioned. There are growing calls for a
republican Nepal as well as for the restoration of the democratic and sovereign rights of the
Nepalese people.
D. Increased Political Repression & the Pro-Democracy Movement
The current situation is developing into a situation reminiscent of the 1990 pro-democracy
movement in Nepal, when a united alliance of political parties had undertaken the leadership of
a mass movement for democracy against the backdrop of a party-less autocratic regime of the
then king Birendra. An important aspect in this regard is that the conflict in Nepal which had
been known as a tri-polar conflict involving the king, the Maoists and the political parties has
now transformed into a bi-polar conflict with the 12-point understanding between the political
parties and the Maoists in November 2005.2
1 Reports from the National Human Rights Commission stated that a total of 480 people had
been killed in the three months before the ceasefire, while the number had dropped to 90 in the
first three months of the unilateral ceasefire. (news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4569980.stm).
Other figures also show a sharp drop in the number people killed. However, the state still led in
the killings with INSEC estimating 83% of the killings were carried out by the state in the first
three months of the unilateral ceasefire. (Three Months of Ceasefire: An Assessment of Human
Rights Situation during the Unilateral Ceasefire by CPN (Maoist) in Nepal (September 03 –
December 02, 2005). Online. http://www.inseconline.org/download/3monthCeasefire.pdf
2 The full text of the agreement is available at
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=57858
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The 12-point understanding between the political parties1 and the Maoists is a landmark that
brings the Maoists and the political parties under an alliance directly pitted against the
monarchy.
It is also important in the sense that the Maoists have expressed through the agreement their
commitment to join in a multiparty system, while the political parties have agreed to a process
of constitutional change. This willingness and an apparent show of flexibility from the Maoists
has also been expressed through the leadership in the past few days in interviews given to the
national daily Kantipur in which the Maoist party leader Prachanda has once again expressed
the need to proceed further in building upon cooperation between the Maoists and the parties
based on the 12 points understanding.2 While this understanding enables the Maoists to join the
mainstream, it also states that the parties commit themselves to work together for the restoration of democracy in Nepal. The parties also commit themselves to uphold human rights in the context of moving the peace process forward in Nepal.
Following this understanding, the political parties and civil society increased public processions
and demonstrations calling upon the government to restore the fundamental rights of the people.
However, mass arrests of party cadres and upper level leaders of political parties, human rights
defenders and representatives from civil society, professionals and journalists combined with
other repressive measures by the government included imposition of curfews, restriction of
communications and absolute bans on demonstrations in various parts of the capital, and mass
arrests have become the policy of the state in the past two years. According to one estimate,
during the first ten months of the royal takeover, around six thousand political activists and
human rights defenders were arrested. Some of them are still in detention.3 While the state
blatantly violates the fundamental rights to freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and
freedom of association, court orders releasing such detained people are too often ignored,
establishing a new pattern of re-arrests. Re-arrests are carried out within moments after their
release and mostly from within the court premises. The authorities have sweeping powers to
detain people for prolonged periods of time by using draconian laws such as the Terrorist and
Disruptive Activities (Control and Punishment) Ordinance (TADO) and the Public Security Act
(PSA) These laws are even used to detain persons that are not even connected with any terrorist activity or with the Maoist insurgency (for which the laws were introduced), but are held for the lawful exercise of fundamental rights.
The number of people arrested under TADO is still unknown. At present there are around 800
people detained at numerous illegal detention places in inhumane conditions under PSA since
the election saga started in Nepal.
In the face of such increased political repression, the parties have continued to intensify their
protest programmes, garnering more public support by the day. This support continues to
increase in the face of growing disappointment among people who had earlier supported the
king’s takeover, citing the fact that since the political parties had not been able to resolve the
conflict, the king deserved a chance. With the intensification of the conflict in recent months,
such claims do not hold anymore.
E. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal
1 The parties are collectively known as the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) consisting of seven of
the larger and mainstream political parties in Nepal who are opposing the royal takeover.
2 Maoist Supremo Prachanda gave an exlcusive and in-depth interview
3 300 Days of Royal Takeover.
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With the agreement between the government and the United Nations Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva in April 2005, a mission of the Office has been
established to monitor the situation of human rights in Nepal.
However, as a party to over 16 human rights related international treaties and conventions, it is
the state’s prime responsibility to respect, protect, promote and fulfil its human rights
obligations, which has not been forthcoming, despite cosmetic commitments within the state
apparatus.1
OHCHR had been very active in following up accusations of violations of human rights and has
tried to deal with the issues relating to IHL. However its enormous mandate cannot be
realistically implemented with the number of staff and resources. Also the office needs to make
an effort to ensure regional representation in its recruitment. A presence of more Asians could
perhaps help create an impact on the general perceptions among ordinary Nepalese who are
known for their strong regional sentiments.
So far king Gyanendra’s government has yet to prove its adherence to the MoU between the
government and OHCHR and its commitment to international human rights and humanitarian
laws. The prevailing impunity has made it impossible to improve the situation and tackle the
challenges faced. Similarly the government has still shown no signs of clarifying its position on
the disappeared persons and detainees held at the RNA barracks. Neither has the government
shown any respect for the recommendations put forward by OHCHR on the issue of detention of
political prisoners during the elections, nor has it made any effort to clarify its steps and reasons
for curtailment of democratic rights. There has been very limited response by the regime that
continues blatantly to violate the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its national and international obligations.
Even with its limited number of staff and resources the office has no doubt created an impact on
the non-state actors.
The CPNM has been guilty of carrying out attacks on civilians and targeting political cadres of
the seven parties alliance and other violations but it has to be noted that since the OHCHR’s
presence, the CPNM has shown restraint in the use of landmines and improvised explosive
devices like pressure cooker bombs, and have reduced the indiscriminate use of these devices.
The CPNM has publicly expressed its intention to carry out investigations into atrocities
highlighted by the office. Also, it has been noted that now the CPNM ensures that names of all
kidnapped / detained prisoners of war are made public and guaranteed proper treatment.
Rescued individuals have given testimony confirming respect for certain norms. It is also worth
mentioning that CPNM’s every statement mentions respect for IHL and recommendations given by the Office, although some of their actions go against that commitment.
While national democratic forces struggle to ensure participation of the people, it is only
protection of human rights and effective monitoring that can ensure a continuum and create a
buffer zone between the perpetrators and the victims. In Nepal it is true that there will be no
1 The government has established human rights cells within the army, police and the armed
police forces, as well as human rights protection and promotion committees within the state
ministries. They have however, been unable to produce any tangible changes in the track record
of the government and at their best remain limited to preparing state reports to the various UN
committees.
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participation without protection. This would require that the office increases its functionality,
ensures more presence in the field and respond to situations more efficiently. Nepalese people
appreciate its presence. However there seems to be a general perception emerging that an
inadequate response from the office is much worse than absence of a response.
F. Conclusion: Role of the International Community
Steps and strategies of the regime have destroyed the last pockets of civic space that could have
accommodated an environment conducive tof a possible discussion on problems at national
level. All that is left is confrontation, insecurity, uncertainty, mistrust and fear. Should we let
this go for a longer period, there are strong indications that this would develop into a much more grave and horrifying situation. I firmly believe that at present a proper handling of the situation could deter grave violations and chaos.
The international community plays an important role as its interests in Nepal varies from
strategic considerations to the massive financial aid and developmental assistance that has been
provided to the state for a long time.
While the international community, including the EU, along with the United States, as well as
neighbours India and other concerned countries and agencies have repeatedly voiced their
concerns over the deteriorating situation in Nepal and the ever-increasing trend of human rights violations and abuses in the absence of any avenues for peace, there has yet to be a tangible outcome of these concerns , as the regime continues to ignore the call for the restoration of fundamental rights and sovereignty of the Nepalese people. Similarly calls for peace initiatives are ignored.
The rapidly deteriorating situation characterized by an inflexible regime bent upon repressing its citizens, the possibility of further escalation of violence, and subsequent lawlessness over a prolonged period of time could push the country towards a gradual collapse of existing systems and structures and a large-scale humanitarian disaster. Keeping this in view, the international community has a moral responsibility to avert such a disaster in Nepal.
Therefore, it is imperative that a united international community intensify its efforts for a
negotiated resolution to the conflict. However, while intensifying the united efforts, the
international community must make it clear that issues relating to a constitutional monarchy or that of a republican state are the choice of the Nepalese people, and not of a political deal.
G. Recommendations to the International Community
· Intensify efforts to pressure the regime towards restoration of the democratic rights of
the Nepalese people. With the large number of stakeholders with varied interests in
Nepal, it is essential that there should be a united voice coming from the international community.
· Implement the EU resolution of 2005 on application of “smart sanctions”24, including travel restriction for members of the royal family and higher authorities of the regime. Freezing of assets should be considered.
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· Considering the prevalent widespread impunity within the RNA and its role as a
repressive agent of the regime, efforts should be made towards suspending the RNA’s
participation in the UN peacekeeping force.
· The international community should consider a careful engagement with the CPNM to
judge its intents and motives through International Human Rights Law and International
Humanitarian Law.
· Provide appropriate support to the political parties and the Maoists for any initiative on
the basis of the 12 points understanding.
· Create a strong lobby for a resolution for ongoing crisis in the annual meeting of the
Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, in the General Assembly and in regional and
international fora.
· A unified effort coordinated for a focused approach through the United Nations to cater
for the diversity of the actors.
· Reconsider and review the presence of the OHCHR in terms of its impact, and
accommodate the needs on the ground in terms of an increase in staff and available
resources for the office.
· Encourage the OHCHR in Nepal to engage with the non-state actor CPNM for respect of
IHl and other HR principles according to the mandate given by the MoU, of 2005.
· Support and facilitate the initiation for dialogue by the democratic parliamentary parties
with the CPNM for peaceful resolution of the conflict and the re-establishment of a
democratic system.
· Encourage the pro-democratic parties and the CPNM to organize a major political conference to reach a common democratic agenda.
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