Dialogue Is Give And Take

Nepali Congress Goes The UML Route, Almost
Major Fermentations In The NC And The UML

The king and the political parties talking is like the parties and the Maoists talking. It is not like they don't talk. They do. But they do it in a most inefficient way. The Maoists put out a press statement. And the parties put out a press statement. The parties stage a protest rally. And the king gives a television interview.

Dialogue is going on. Each party to the conflict is sending messages.

There is always the movement option. There is always the revolution option. But the dialogue option has not been exhausted. If you can bring back democracy through dialogue, why will you put the people through the pain of a movement?

Let's have an imaginary dialogue right here.

King: What is the point of having a dialogue for the sake of it? What are you going to do different from what you did during the 1990s? The 1990s were a sham, a democratic circus. Corruption was rampant. There was major political instability. Social justice was not forthcoming. You had six years to solve the Maoist insurgency, but you were not able to. What makes you think you can do it now if given a second chance?

Girija: Reviving parliament will solve all problems.

King: You had a parliament in 1996, and 1997, and 1998, and all the way to 2002. The insurgency only got stronger. Does that not show reviving parliament is not an option?

MaKuNe: But this parliament will be different. It will bring forth an all-party government.

King: But how do you revive the parliament?

Girija: Article 127.

MaKuNe: No. Article 127 is not an option. We won't recognize the parliament if it be revived using Article 127.

(Girija gives MaKuNe a dirty look.)

King: Go back home. Do your homework. See me in two days.

(Two days later.)

MaKuNe: We still disagree. Girija Babu is still for reviving the parliament. Although he is no longer insisting on the use of Article 127 for the purpose.

Girija: What about the Supreme Court?

King: And since when did I start ordering around the Supreme Court?

MaKuNe: I am for going straight for an all-party government. That would be an interim government. We will hold unconditional peace talks with the Maoists. Then we will go for a Constituent Assembly.

King: But how do you suggest we disarm the Maoists? Why did you not form an all-party government after Deuba was sacked the first time? You had the opportunity.

Girija: Because we figured if it was going to be an all-party government formed under Article 127, it will have to do your bidding.

King: But a parliament revived using Article 127 would be okay?

Girija: A parliament is different.

MaKuNe: Girija Babu does not know what he is talking about.

King: Meet me tomorrow. It is time for my siesta.

(The day after.)

King: So how do you form an all-party government?

MaKuNe: Article 127.

Girija: But I thought you had problems with using Article 127 to revive the parliament.

MaKuNe: Who is talking about the parliament? I am talking about an all-party government.

Girija: How can you have a government without a parliament? That would be so like Deuba.

MaKuNe: Kisunji had it.

Girija: Forget Kisunji. And forget you.

Paramendra (over video conference): Less than 6% of the people want the parliament revived.

Girija: Forget the people. And forget you. I don't remember ever giving you a ticket during any elections. Who are you!

King: Say we use Article 127 and call for an all-party government. Then how? Then what?

MaKuNe: Then I form a cabinet. The seven parties will be represented.

Girija: I am the commander of the movement, the brother of BP Koirala, and you are going to be leading the cabinet? Forget you.

MaKuNe: My party is larger than yours.

Girija: You don't know that. That is why we need to revive the parliament. So we can see who is larger. Let the people decide. That is the democratic way.

MaKuNe: So, Your Majesty, we form an all-party government using Article 127.

King: It will be the same players from the 1990s. Just curious, so what are you going to do about the insurgency? About corruption? About democracy inside the parties?

Girija: That is all propaganda.

MaKuNe: We are going to call a meeting of the central committee.

King: And then?

Girija: This dialogue is not going anywhere. I feel the need to go back to the people. I need to fly to Biratnagar.

(Girija walks out in a huff.)

King: So what ideas you got?

MaKuNe: I am open to ideas.

King: You mentioned a Constituent Assembly.

MaKuNe: I sure did.

King: So you are a republican?

MaKuNe: Yes and no.

Paramendra (over video conference): 63% want a constitutional monarchy, and 25% want an executive monarchy. How about guaranteeing a constitutional monarchy before going for a Constituent Assembly?

MaKuNe: Your Majesty, where is this voice coming from?

King: I think it is from the Terai.

MaKuNe: Right, right.

King: What do you think?

MaKuNe: That can work.

King: What about other issues? Corruption for one.

Paramendra (over video conference): Please refer to these two documents: Janata Dal Constitution, Proposed Constitution. Tickets get distributed in a democratic way by the local cadres. All politicians need to file their family property statements on an annual basis. And so on.

MaKuNe: Your Majesty, where is this voice coming from?

(The king ignores the question.)

MaKuNe: I am open to the idea of leading the cabinet. That is the least I can do for the people.

(Two weeks later the king uses Article 127 to form an all-party government with the condition all parties represented in the last parliament will be part of it. That means the Deuba faction of the Congress, the Mandal Sadbhavana, and the two RPP factions also, besides the seven agitating ones.)

MaKuNe: Finally.

Bamdev: Peace?

MaKuNe: Finally I am Prime Minister.

(Bamdev gets sent to Lucknow to hold peace talks with Prachanda.)

Bamdev: Hello.

Prachanda: Lal salam. So when are you disbanding the mercenary army of the fatricidal, regicidal, feudal Gyane Shahi? You want peace, right?

Bamdev: I feel like I am on the way to becoming Commander In Chief. Why would I disband the army?

Prachanda: The new revolutionary army of the peoples, the liberator of the oppressed, vanguard of the proletariat is taking over. Don't waste my time if you came with nothing to offer. Nothing concrete and real. Did Baburam mislead me again? Does he want to go back into protective custody?

Paramendra (over video conference): Prachanda, this is your last chance. It is peace now, or no political future for you ever again.

Prachanda: Who was that? What was that? Why did you call the police? You traitor of the people, of the oppressed!

Bamdev: That's not the police. I don't know the guy. But he makes sense. Wait. Just you wait. I have a UN officer waiting right outside by the window.

(The UN official is called in. Negotiations go on for 12 hours. Finally Prachanda agrees to disband all except 3,000 of his armed cadres who are to be integrated into the state army. Then it is another six hours before Bamdev agrees the state army is to be reduced to a size of 30,000 within five years, and during the downsizing the 3,000 Maoists will not get thrown out. It is agreed Prachanda and Baburam will get inducted into the cabient. The country heads towards elections to a Constituent Assembly.)